tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-81320930353738611762024-03-13T11:08:41.691-07:00radical practices of collective careadminhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12981338591965987512noreply@blogger.comBlogger11125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8132093035373861176.post-56799731765346762422016-05-21T05:42:00.000-07:002016-06-13T02:42:53.272-07:00Building Power in a Crisis of Social Reproduction<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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</i></i><span style="line-height: 30.3158px;"><i style="font-size: 20.2106px;"><a href="https://roarmag.org/magazine/building-power-crisis-social-reproduction/">In the current crisis, social reproduction can become a crucial field for the construction of a collective form of social power... </a></i></span></ul>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: "dapifer" , "georgia" , serif; line-height: 1.52632em;">SYRIZA took power through elections—not so much on the basis of a movement that could embolden or depose it. Now it is back to fighting power for many Greeks. But beyond the taking and fighting of power, there is the question of</span><i style="background-color: white; box-sizing: inherit; font-family: dapifer, Georgia, serif; line-height: 1.52632em;"> building power</i><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "dapifer" , "georgia" , serif; line-height: 1.52632em;">.</span><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "dapifer" , "georgia" , serif; line-height: 1.52632em;"><br /><i><br />How do we build lasting relations and infrastructures for struggle and change? How can can we think of building power—in social networks, in the everyday, in organizations, in institutions—in the midst of the ongoing European debt crisis?</i> It starts with the question of </span><i style="background-color: white; box-sizing: inherit; font-family: dapifer, Georgia, serif; line-height: 1.52632em;">social reproduction</i><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "dapifer" , "georgia" , serif; line-height: 1.52632em;">, of how to gather forces and generate resistance constructively and sustainably.</span><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "dapifer" , "georgia" , serif; line-height: 1.52632em;"><br /><br />The context of crisis and generalized vulnerability opens onto a myriad of struggles around social rights, resources and survival, all of which put life at their center. Everyday life, bodily survival, collective life: the problem of human needs touches most in the crisis, and colors any form of engagement—and not just the employed workers who can still go on strike.</span><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "dapifer" , "georgia" , serif; line-height: 1.52632em;"><a name='more'></a><br /><br />All of this goes to the heart not only of the crisis, but of the long-term tendencies towards precarity, welfare retrenchment, structural unemployment and surplus population. The politics of reproduction addresses this issue and makes it a site for the construction of collective power.</span><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "dapifer" , "georgia" , serif; line-height: 1.52632em;"><br /><br />To build social or collective power sustainably and concretely, we must clear some pathways for thinking approaches and strategies within this domain. And we must ask: how do struggles around reproduction relate to the politics of representation, particularly in view to contemporary electoral openings within the crisis?</span></ul>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-size: small;">SOCIAL REPRODUCTION IN THE CRISIS</span></h1>
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<span style="background-color: white;">The viewpoint of social reproduction is central to the question of building power today. Social reproduction is a broad term for the domain where lives are sustained and reproduced. It relates to the ways we satisfy our needs and to the often hidden material basis for pursuing our desires.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">Now the problem of reproduction touches the lives of millions with urgency. The breakdown of the integrating mechanisms of welfare and neoliberal management has opened the way for new approaches to thinking about how we sustain our lives, individually and collectively. It involves the crisis of certain institutions and structures—state, market, family, waged labour—as well as singular modes of community and relations of interdependence.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">In the present conjuncture, it is clear that taking power is the same as administering the crisis—unless it is done on the basis of a genuine form of social power. Social reproduction can become a field for building this form of social power.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;"><br /><br />This </span><span style="background-color: white; line-height: 1.52632em;">is the opening of a new cycle of struggles around social reproduction. These struggles happen at different levels: at the level of social relations of care, at the level of spaces and inhabiting, at the level of production and distribution of resources, and at the level of institutions.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">In this conjuncture it is clear that taking power is the same as administering the crisis—unless it is done on the basis of a genuine form of social power. As more and more people are no longer fully integrated into capital and the state, social reproduction can become a field for reorganizing social relations, for building social power.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-size: small;">REPRODUCING WHAT?</span></h1>
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<span style="background-color: white;">Those attempting to profit from the crisis know that this situation is not without risks and opportunities. The opportunities are well known: crisis legitimates the destruction of welfare and support systems, creating unemployment to drive down wages, privatizing public assets and commons to increase profits in the great competition game. Crisis is good for new rounds of primitive accumulation (commodifying the not-yet commodified), for reshaping and domesticating productive forces while realizing further “transitions” into the logics of inequality, debt, finance.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">But those administering the crisis locally or translocally need to play the reproduction card cleverly if they are to keep face and at the same time profit from the situation. One aspect of this is to impose or maintain a certain level of scarcity and chaos—just enough to legitimize tough change, maintain labor supply and avoid rebellion.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">The “art” of managing the crisis from above attempts to combine mechanisms that individualize, isolate and create competition, with controllable forms of cooperation and community. These strategies, however, are always half-hearted and weak.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">This in turn requires certain strategies to keep people alive and docile: either by putting them on the drip-feed of charity (through food banks or NGO support, for instance) or by making them self-organize their survival through neo-communitarian policy frameworks like the Big Society in the UK, as well as through precarious forms of employment and entrepreneurship.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">This domestication of the social is accompanied by the reinforcement of conservative family policies (like nuclear paternalism, patriarchal laws and domesticated labor) as well as policing and repression (in the form of gag laws and the criminalization of protest and self-organization). The “art” of managing the crisis from above attempts to combine mechanisms that individualize, isolate and create competition, with controllable forms of cooperation and community.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">These strategies, however, are always half-hearted and weak. When we organize and build infrastructures from below, our relations, knowledges and capacities to manage are much stronger because they are shared.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-size: small;">COMMON STRATEGIES FROM BELOW</span></h1>
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<span style="background-color: white;">Under certain conditions, collective projects to reorganize how we meet our needs can provide alternatives more powerful than charity, communitarianism and individualized survival. Starting from a shared need, these conditions include the emergence of murmurs that discuss alternatives in the streets, squares, homes and workplaces; the building of shared relations of conversation and trust; and with this the creation of spaces for meeting and finally for organizing. Struggles that address everyday ways of sustaining life can build power in sustainable ways—rather than just relieving misery—for a series of reasons.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">First, by building autonomous circuits of self-reproduction, such struggles ensure the collective power needed to sustain a fight for change. Being able to temporarily opt out of dominant forms of access to resources—be it via labor strikes, road blocks or boycotts—generates a huge increase in collective bargaining and blockading power. These are powerful antagonistic or agonistic agents vis-à-vis the state and market because, by allowing people to partially withdraw from hegemonic circuits of self-reproduction, they provide the basis of an actual oppositional power.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">Only with strategies of care and self-reproduction—from mutual legal aid over collective kitchens to strike funds—can social movements engage in sustained blockade, protests and strikes. The Black Panther Party’s 15 years of highly popular militant activity must be related to its combination of self-defense strategies and survival programmes, which allowed it to work and resist in the context of the violence and social disintegration inflicted on black communities.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">When embarking on a defense of welfare rights, social struggles often subvert this statist horizon, and end up producing concrete political projects that supply and care even where the state does not. The Spanish indebted homeowners’ movement PAH, for instance, which has done much campaigning for the right to housing, has also occupied many empty bank-owned buildings and reclaimed them as communal housing.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">In Greece, the creation of solidarity clinics responded to a withdrawal of state-guaranteed health provision, but in the process it has become a powerful experiment in the provision of free healthcare, in a way that often overcomes the classical hierarchies and separations between doctors, nurses and patients, and develops new notions of health.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">Struggles around sustaining life in common are contexts where alternative visions for institutions and mutual support structures are built. In a time that clamors for alternatives, they also produce new political imaginaries.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">Such struggles around sustaining life in common are contexts where alternative visions for institutions and mutual support structures are built. In a time that clamors for alternatives, these struggles also produce new imaginaries, demands and knowledges around the social management, supply and organization of collective care and provision. Despite their clear limitations—the lack of resources and a clear legal basis make it difficult to provide for all those in need, let alone for society as a whole—they function as laboratories that can become the basis for new claims on institutions.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">The retrenchment of welfare and employment gives way to the development of solidarity economies, which build collective resilience by creating new ways of distributing and sharing resources. This means not just the creation of local instances of social reproduction, but also of translocal networks of trade and exchange. This is important not just from a geopolitical point of view, but also from an ecological perspective. It implies the emergence of new visions and practices of economy beyond the capital-E global capitalist one.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">Most recently, the debate over Greece’s place in the euro illustrated the importance of such forms of collective distribution. It was clear that both Grexit and continued Eurozone-enforced austerity would spell more death and misery—as well of the strengthening of church and NGO-based charities and ethnicity-based fascist food distribution programmes.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">The possibility of Grexit depended to a very large extent on the strength and resilience of local self-reproduction, as well as larger and smaller translocal trade networks and geopolitical agreements, from the trade of olive oil to the import of cheap petrol.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-size: small;">THE POLITICS OF CARE AND SOLIDARITY</span></h1>
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<span style="background-color: white;">Within the framework of collective management and mutual support, the politics of care and solidarity are key elements. Relations of interdependence come to be negotiated in a collective setting and can thus be politicized beyond patriarchal and paternalistic models. Social reproduction struggles provide alternative survival and care spaces to the traditional and biological family, and can create deep and lasting relations of trust and support.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">The ways in which the people of the PAH are welcomed and practice mutual aid and counseling, for example, provide strong emotional support and friendship. The ways in which <i style="box-sizing: inherit;">piquetero</i> communities in Argentina accompanied their fight against the state with collective infrastructures such as community gardens, health centers and social spaces allowed for the creation of strong networks of support. Such networks, with their range of formal and informal relations, allow for the building of systems of care and kinship whose collective memory is also one of struggle for equality.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">Struggles around social reproduction allow for a renegotiation around what is considered work, or what is valued as such.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">Struggles around social reproduction allow for a renegotiation around what is considered work, or what is valued as such. When the wage becomes secondary in the face of self-organized infrastructures, reproductive and domestic work can come to be seen for what it is: crucial life-sustaining labor that runs across all domains. The social organization of work can come to be subverted via a growth of cooperativism, counteracting the individualizing pressures of entrepreneurship and building other pacts and cultures around the wage.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">All these are forms of building power which go beyond the classical trade union movement’s limited perspective on wages and welfare as mediators of social reproduction. After its early-twentieth-century attempt to become a broad social movement with sports clubs, soup kitchens, choirs, housing provision, adult education, and so on, this movement became happy to merely organize waged workers and let the state care for the rest.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">The politics of reproduction, on the other hand, proceeds through a broader form of social composition, which aims to build relations in many different domains of life. By bringing together individuals and breaking down narrow separated units of family and community, it builds those basic relations of conviviality, trust and common struggle that make up social forces.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-size: small;">THE PLAYING FIELDS OF SOCIAL POWER</span></h1>
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<span style="background-color: white;">Building power is a process that articulates different social forces towards the capacity to intervene in a given dominant order. This means enacting decisions and creating effects at any relevant level (from blockading a road or eviction to blocking a law or trade agreement).</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">Power is the moment when an articulation of forces becomes <i style="box-sizing: inherit;">performative</i>, that is, capable of creating effects in a given context. As such it passes through struggles and the development of a series of “minor” powers: the power to decide, to articulate, to negotiate, to create effects, and so on.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">Social reproduction is a strong factor in the question of building power, as a practical horizon concerned with the sustaining of relations, spaces, forms of organizing and institutions.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">Social reproduction is a strong factor in the question of building power. Struggles in this sense can take different forms and exist across different playing fields—they can be to do with small care networks or communities, with housing or healthcare, with resources, spaces, infrastructures and also institutions.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">Social reproduction is not a label but more of a practical horizon, in this sense, one that is concerned with the sustaining of relations, spaces, forms of organizing and institutions. This focus on instances that last through time and provide continuity, that build power, is not meant to suggest that campaigns, actions or projects are not important for fighting power and building movements.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">Below, we share a diagram of social reproduction as divided according to pragmatic fields in order to evaluate the tactics and interplay of different forms of struggle within each field. This diagram should not be taken as a sociological map but rather as a tool that can be useful in orientating our thinking around building power.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">We propose to visualize the basic terrain of social reproduction struggles as constituted by four overlapping fields:</span></div>
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<li style="box-sizing: inherit; display: block; margin: 20px 0px; position: relative;"><span style="background-color: white;"><b style="box-sizing: inherit;">The non-organized social of informal relations:</b> the extended family, friendships, informal communities, loose networks;</span></li>
<li style="box-sizing: inherit; display: block; margin: 20px 0px; position: relative;"><span style="background-color: white;"><b style="box-sizing: inherit;">The inhabiting social, where the organizing principle is space:</b>neighborhoods, homes, social centers, assembly spaces, distribution points;</span></li>
<li style="box-sizing: inherit; display: block; margin: 20px 0px; position: relative;"><span style="background-color: white;"><b style="box-sizing: inherit;">The organized social, with protocols and formal divisions of work:</b> unions, associations, institutions, clubs, cooperatives, organized networks;</span></li>
<li style="box-sizing: inherit; display: block; margin: 20px 0px; position: relative;"><span style="background-color: white;"><b style="box-sizing: inherit;">The representational, whose organizing principles are governance and mediation:</b> institutions, welfare and legal systems, parties, the media.</span></li>
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<span style="background-color: white;">If we were to visualize the relations between these domains in a diagram, they would look something like this:</span></div>
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<a href="https://roarmag.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/10/BuildingPower_Chart1.png" style="background-color: white; box-sizing: inherit; color: #d92727; cursor: pointer; outline: none !important; text-decoration: none;"><img alt="BuildingPower_Chart1" class="size-full wp-image-31342 aligncenter" height="483" src="https://roarmag.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/10/BuildingPower_Chart1.png" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: inherit; clear: left; display: block; height: auto; margin: 0px auto; max-width: 100%; text-align: center;" width="468" /></a></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">The horizontal axis that runs across this diagram is formal (left) vs. informal (right) relations, while the vertical axis is embodied (bottom) vs. representational (top). Few initiatives sit exclusively in one domain or the other; rather, these are four <i style="box-sizing: inherit;">tendencies</i> in which specific initiatives partake to different extents.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">According to the general political and social conjuncture, initiatives might veer more towards one or the other strategic terrain, or indeed breach out into all directions. Similarly, there may be few or many transversal connections across struggles in these fields, at different moments.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">Let us first go into each domain and then analyze some broader principles of orientation.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-size: small;">1. THE INFORMAL SOCIAL:</span></h5>
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<span style="background-color: white;">This is the field of individuals and groups engaging in unstable, temporary and<i style="box-sizing: inherit;">ad hoc</i> relations. The power that lies in this domain is that of encounter and relation, of affective contagion and of forming networks. Encounters, social media and meme-like expressions allow for the creation of an empathic, contagious power starting from individuals that are not connected by organizational bonds and outside the sphere of established media.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">The mobilizations of the post-2011 era are largely based in such compositional power, stemming from relatively spontaneous social media-based calls for mobilization that did not come from existing organizations and had no representational claims. The rejection of representation and the imminent claims for the elites to step down gathered masses of bodies in the streets and squares, eventually leading to the building of inhabiting power.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-size: small;">2. THE INHABITING SOCIAL:</span></h5>
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<span style="background-color: white;">This is where the politics of care, of feminist as well as family and community-building politics starts from, where “grassroots” or “radical” practices in the sense of being locally rooted are strongest; where there is work on terrain and space, in neighborhoods and workplaces.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">This domain requires the creation of common spaces and times of conviviality and debate, and also a capacity to overcome the compartmentalization of populations into ethnic groups or of social activities into the political, and leisure or entertainment. This field involves struggles for land, housing, neighborhood organizing, squatting and food production, as well as the neighborhood assemblies that develop or demand forms of local self-determination.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">Assemblies, camps and occupations created the space-times for social relations to deepen and take on an everyday dimension from which specific working and discussion groups emerged.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">Continuing the story of the 2011 protests, we may say that they developed their relational power towards a powerful compositional power via the use of space. Assemblies, camps and occupations created the space-times for social relations to deepen and take on an everyday dimension from which specific working and discussion groups emerged. Those groups, incipient forms of organizational power, we may say, allowed for transversal relations between different actors to assume continuity on the ground.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">Space is a crucial factor here, for enabling meetings and socializing as well as the production, storing and distribution of resources. It also becomes a common asset to care for and defend. The affective power of the imaginaries and slogans produced in these spaces then flowed back into the non-organized social, and became ways in which individuals, for instance, could signal their desires and indignation on social media, vastly strengthening the non-organized contagion of affects and ideas by shaping them from embodied experience, and transforming them from mere sentiments to statements explicitly referring to the material, collective power under construction in the squares.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">However, the collective power constructed in the squares always threatened to dissipate into a cacophony, or to flounder under police pressure and the exhaustion of the participants.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-size: small;">3. THE ORGANIZED SOCIAL:</span></h5>
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<span style="background-color: white;">This is where the capacity to mobilize and organize is channeled into the creation of systems of production, distribution and management of material as well as immaterial goods and symbols. It encompasses the institutional layer on the one hand, and the spatial layer on the other, as it draws strongly on sites.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">Organization happens through the establishment of organized networks (like the PAH, the Genuino Clandestino food network or the Refugees Welcome web platform), or through the construction of formal organizations (like cooperatives or unions). In many cases, the building of formal organizations is a necessity to gain certain forms of legal and symbolic recognition as official interlocutors of institutions, and in order to increase the consistency and continuity of the social power that is being built.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">In many cases, the building of formal organizations is a necessity to gain certain forms of legal and symbolic recognition, and in order to increase the consistency and continuity of the social power that is being built.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">While the passage into organization can be necessary to give consistency and duration to a movement, it often negates some of its spontaneity and richness. Organizations starting in a context where few spatial, face-to-face connections have been made rarely become more than proselytizing gatherings of the already-convinced, or business-like representatives of the self-interest of their members.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">Within the organized social, very specific protocols and demands come to be developed which can interpellate the state for change. By providing practical examples of alternative organization and incipient institutionality, this domain plays a powerful role in giving consistency, legitimacy and bargaining or mediatic power to social movements in matters of social reproduction.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">If enough power is built on this level, alternative organizations come to appear highly plausible and can give way to claims on institutions and higher functions of management—thus this domain can be a stepping stone towards electoral processes. When this is based in grassroots social power that links the organizational to the inhabiting and relational domains, it can give way to profound transformations at the institutional level.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-size: small;">4. THE REPRESENTED SOCIAL:</span></h5>
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<span style="background-color: white;">This is the playing field of capital-P politics and of representation, territory, media and parties. It is in dialogue with the organized social (unions and the like) as well as networks (think tanks, alliances). If such forms of politics develop from alternative organizations and institutions as built through social movements, they can operate through an understanding of the need for counter-hegemony, the electoral wing of a social power.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">However, they can also turn on their constituencies, and the question of how to maintain the autonomy of the other levels is crucial, as well as the capacity for listening in relation to movements at the three other levels.</span> </div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">While the high stakes of power and the complexity that representational politics must face up to will tend to inhibit change, this does not mean that innovation in this domain is impossible.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; line-height: 1.52632em;">This is the challenge currently faced by the municipal movements in Spain—one more easily approached via the territory of the city and its inherent links to the inhabiting social, as well as local organizations and networks—and by new parties such as SYRIZA and Podemos, or whatever might follow in their footsteps. It is a level often scorned for being inherently fraught by the radical left.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">While it is true that the high stakes of power and the complexity of interfaces and interlocutors that representational politics must face up to will tend to inhibit change, this does not mean that innovation in this domain is impossible. The interplay between municipal, regional, national and international politics is something we are bound to learn much about in the coming months and years, as social power in different contexts builds towards this level.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-size: small;">BUILDING POWER ACROSS DIFFERENT DOMAINS OF STRUGGLE</span></h1>
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<span style="background-color: white;">While politics in these fields can be communitarian and exclusive, patriarchal, clientilist, and so on, we are interested in the ways in which they can form the basis for building and sustaining power and the collective capacity to resist.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">The four domains stand in different relations of tension, as they stand for different modes of creating relations, and are linked to different resources and tactics.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">Struggles around social reproduction can take place on all levels of this diagram: at the levels of self-production, self-supply and auto-reduction; at the levels of building organizations to defend interests and manage resources; at the level of building networks or alliances and developing forms of collaboration and communication; and at the level of contesting for representational power within institutions that can distribute social wealth from either the bottom up or the top down, and which command the socially legitimated use of violence.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">The closer to the “ground” these struggles are, the more they have to deal with anti-repression campaigns and self-defense. The closer to the spheres of representation they are, the more they have to deal with mediatic attacks and seduction into the games of top-down power, and navigate the contradictions between the state as a workplace and provider of useful public goods, and the state as the monopoly of violence and caretaker of capitalist accumulation.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">We have to understand these organizational-compositional tendencies as playing fields with their own strategic merits. The social is a field of forces wherein these tendencies push and pull, and the more intelligence movements build at multiple levels, the more likely it is that large-scale change can be sustained.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">Of course the configuration and thus relevance of each domain for producing change varies in every local and historical context, and sometimes—for instance in situations of urgent self-defense—very one-sided organizing can be needed. But since social power is organized across all these fields, the abandonment (or dominance) of one field tends to limit the ability of the social power to resist.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">Since social power is organized across different fields, the abandonment (or dominance) of one field tends to limit the ability of the social power to resist.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">Further, single actors or strategies can be useful and powerful at given moments, but cannot hold together the tensions on different levels over a long time: society changes, so must its compositional strategies. While no meta-organization can hold these domains and their initiatives and dynamics together in homeostasis or harmony in the long run (the “revolutionary” ideal) we must learn to ask how this balance of forces can be sustained from within the social.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">It appears to us that the current crisis opens a scenario wherein social power can be built in ways that encompass and articulate relational, habitational, organizational and institutional-representational power.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">Strategizing is always situated. The question “what is to be done now” is often posed in an abstract sense, suggesting that we all need to rally around one strategy, and start from the same point of action. However, for strategy to be concrete, the group of people who strategize need to start from their concrete positions within networks, spaces, organizations and institutions, and ask what connections exist and what can be made, and what resources and capacities we have, and what can be built.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-size: small;">SITUATING INITIATIVES AND ANALYZING CONJUNCTURES</span></h1>
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<span style="background-color: white;">Most political groups, spaces, movements and organizations are focused on building one form of power, while they might draw on the tactics of others. Their strategic horizons might coincide, but the ways of composing relations, of building consistency, communication and coordination within these fields differ significantly.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">Under what conditions and how does it become possible to establish transversal connections across the social? Of course, any answer must be situated as there is no general formula. We can however say that in the scenario of crisis, cracks appear across the dominant logics of all domains, opening spaces for new struggles and alliances. High capacity for dialogue is required in order to build social power through strong heterogeneity.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">Under certain conditions—often to do with the absence of strong positions across the fields—single initiatives can also come to grow into the different domains, building a certain level of hegemony. In such scenarios of unitary struggle, where few organizations have or claim hegemony, the logics of sectarianism and leaderism tend to be strong.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="line-height: 1.52632em;">The growth of multifaceted initiatives, however, is not mutually exclusive with a scenario of transversal power, nor does it necessarily hamper heterogeneous social power. The challenge for such initiatives is to find ways of coexisting with other struggles without absorbing or quenching them, to maintain high levels of internal and external heterogeneity and dialogue.</span><br /><span style="color: #d92727;"><span style="line-height: 21.7076px;"><b><br /></b></span></span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">Some examples of mapping specific initiatives onto this diagram might look as follows (of course, their positionings change and are subject to debate—this is the purpose of such mapping):</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;"><a href="https://roarmag.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/10/BuildingPower_Chart2.png" style="box-sizing: inherit; color: #d92727; cursor: pointer; outline: none !important; text-decoration: none;"><img alt="BuildingPower_Chart2" class="aligncenter size-full wp-image-31343" height="455" src="https://roarmag.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/10/BuildingPower_Chart2.png" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: inherit; clear: left; display: block; height: auto; margin: 0px auto; max-width: 100%; text-align: center;" width="640" /></a>Here, building power for us means reading situated and historical context in a way that allows us to understand the interplay of forces and the compositional strategies that can strengthen overall social power and resilience. It means valuing the potential of social reproduction to transform relations at different levels, and moving towards a transversality of struggles, overcoming isolationism as well as sectarianism.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">This means adopting a somewhat more pragmatic, dialoguing and tactical approach that lets go of moralism, purism and identarianism. It does not imply getting rid of antagonism between actors in different fields or within one field. The question is rather how to make disagreements and contradictions productive, respecting the relative autonomy of struggles at different levels.<br /><br /><span style="line-height: 30.3158px;">(</span><span style="line-height: 30.3158px;">previously published in </span><a href="https://roarmag.org/magazine/building-power-crisis-social-reproduction/" style="line-height: 30.3158px;">Roar Mag</a><span style="line-height: 30.3158px;">).</span></span></div>
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brhhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/04527510831248223543noreply@blogger.com3tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8132093035373861176.post-71138032463045876502015-08-21T07:10:00.004-07:002016-06-13T02:43:39.115-07:00Social reproduction and Collective Care<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Our new text for <a href="http://theoccupiedtimes.org/?p=14000">Occupied Times</a>:</span><br />
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A Horizon for Struggles and Practices</span></h1>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">The Radical Collective Care Project is a small research group investigating the politics of collective practices of care. Our aim is to explore different methodologies from small self-organised experiments (such as mutual legal aid and housing cooperatives), to substantial movements (such as the PAH and Occupy Sandy) and models for policy (such as the historical one-kitchen house and proposals from feminist economics). On our <a href="http://radicalcollectivecare.blogspot.co.uk/p/blog-page.html" style="color: #335b9c; text-decoration: none;">website </a>we’re putting together a modest showcase of examples from across this spectrum, to ask and learn about the specific challenges they face. We hope to map out a set of common knowledges and frequently occurring problems within this horizon. In the future we hope to find resources to expand the project and open it up to wider participation.</span><br />
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Struggling around social reproduction</span></h2>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">The crisis we are in is a profound one. It’s not just the economic system facing a crunch but also the mode of social organisation and reproduction, as well as ecological systems, reaching a tipping point. It’s a deep crisis, one that isn’t about to be resolved but rather will keep erupting, leading to new breakdowns at economic, societal and environmental levels. Our survival and flourishing on this planet can no longer be managed via abstract chains of exploitation because those chains increasingly break down. We in the Global North – at least those of us with northern papers and skin colour – have been able to get by thinking that we don’t depend on anyone, that we are our own masters. This is in line with the liberal subject that structures our societies and relations, which fetishises independence and thinks of itself as universal. Well, in fact, we do all depend on one another in global capitalism – we cannot think of societies as islands (whether at a national, ethnic or other level) because we depend on Chinese factory workers and Congolese miners as much as on Polish plumbers or Indian IT workers (to reiterate some major national industry professions).</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">It is time to transform these interdependencies into more sustainable and friendly ones, and the site of this struggle is social reproduction.</span><br />
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What is ‘social reproduction’ and what does it mean for struggle?</span></h2>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Taking the term from Marxism and feminism, it refers to the ways in which a society regenerates and sustains itself – the forms of life and their ways of taking care of the bodies that compose a given group. The social reproduction modality of capitalism ends up creating vast “surplus populations” as well as austerity and unemployment in times of crisis. So the question of how to struggle at the level of social reproduction is not just about how to manage the welfare state of one country. Indeed, the welfare state in its 20th century form is no longer much of an option for organising a generalised way of looking after bodies within a population because the economic growth it fed on is no longer possible in Europe (and the male wage worker it was built around has come to be demystified).</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Social reproduction operates on many levels: how we cover our everyday needs; how we relate to resources and ecological systems in our fulfilment of needs and desires; how we organise and manage this fulfilling of needs/desires at different scales, from the household to the neighbourhood to the city and region, to the larger country or continental and indeed global levels (and here, as a myriad of movements propose, the question is about rethinking what we actually need to organise via which scale, and where scale is a mere expression of our alienation and being managed by big corporations and financial mechanisms).</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">So reimagining and struggling around social reproduction can mean fighting for the right to housing or water, for social rights and a basic income to sustain oneself. It can mean struggling against privatisation and building other systems of supply, management and distribution (from free self-education platforms to soup kitchens); it can mean struggling for commons, in the sense of resources that belong to all members of a community and are managed collectively; it can mean struggling within a perspective of ‘transition’ or reorganising the way domestic and care work are done, beyond hierarchies of gender and race. These struggles mark a huge field that may seem to englobe almost anything, and that’s okay for our purposes since what we are interested in is a shift in the lens through which we read what is happening today and where the problem of our struggles lies. That problem is not just one of good management or stable wages but one that calls for profound reorganisation of some of the channels through which we get what we need and desire, through which we sustain our lives. It presents itself in times of high unemployment and intensifying precarity.</span></div>
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Strategies of reproduction</span></h2>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">On a very basic level, social reproduction refers to a problem – namely, that we don’t have guaranteed access to what we need; our reproduction is contingent, for instance, upon employment or access to welfare, or having friends or family who can sustain us. We all develop strategies of reproduction in relation to this problem and these can be immensely individualising, competitive and normative (e.g. careerism and nuclear families). But they can also be collective, and they will have to be to some extent, for struggles that are based on everyday relations of mutual separation and competition tend to be dependent on strong top-down leadership and ideological investments. Strategies of collective care transform individualisation into solidarity in a much more embedded and embodied way than ideas and slogans can. And rather than departing from big ideas, these struggles start from the everyday – things like child care or making a living – meaning they are accessible and immediate to a lot of people. Political change, in this way, is not beyond people’s individual everyday struggles, but about the transformation of individual everyday struggles into collective struggles. This is not just a question of shared demands, but also collective capacities.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">The Spanish housing movement PAH is an interesting example of this. They have managed to overcome the individualisation and shame of being caught up in unpayable mortgages. Many people would join the PAH simply to get help with their individual cases, but the sharing of stories soon made them realise that their problems were common. And common tactics such as eviction resistance, bank occupations and collective negotiations with banks, made it clear that the solutions would be collective too. Many who went to their first PAH meeting to defend their individual dreams of home ownership, were soon fighting a collective struggle for the right to housing, because the best way to deal with the individual problem turned out to be collective solidarity.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">
Relation to labour</span></h2>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">It seems unlikely that there can be a return to the near-full employment that existed after the world wars in certain core capitalist countries. That moment of economic growth, from within which the welfare state became possible, is over. We might see similar economic growth in ‘developing’ nations like China or India but we also increasingly see that this comes at an environmental and social cost that is unsustainable even in a relatively short term. Economic policies, illnesses, suicides, strikes, protests, riots, food supplies and migration all play into one another as bodies and communities struggle hard to find what they need to live.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">In the West, where labour-intensive industrial production tailed off in the last century, labour and wages can no longer be the sole horizon of our demands, since they concern a dwindling proportion of the population. Struggles around wages are now rife in China, while what we increasingly suffer is unemployment, precarity and diminished welfare services. This doesn’t mean that labour struggles become obsolete, of course a large part of our populations are still working, but it’s impossible to stick with a system that crassly privileges the employed over the underemployed or unemployed when the latter come to make up almost half of the population.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">This is why we see struggles around reproduction emerge most strongly in the European South, where there has been a rapid economic downturn accompanied by unemployment and de-classing. The question people ask there, and this question obviously echoes in other places too, is: ‘how can we organise our livelihoods beyond being dependent on these abstract forces that can leave us completely screwed from one moment to the next?’ How do you build new forms of resilience and mutual support, new forms of self-managed supply chains and cooperative self-employment where we at least control the basic mechanisms of our everyday survival?</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">So, the social reproduction angle is necessary to understand the character of struggles today. But more than that, it also opens new possibilities. In classical labour organising, wage struggles are compartmentalised into different sectoral unions fighting for their own particular interest. Meanwhile, migrant and racialised labour, as well as domestic workers, are largely excluded from collective bargaining. When we start with social reproduction, we immediately start with an issue that is transversal to different forms of labour and non-labour. This problem of the contingency of reproduction is common to the salaried employee, the housewife whose marriage to a wage earner is her central access to money, as well as for the people engaged in self-employment and illicit and informal economies.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">
Organising around problems rather than identities</span></h2>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Struggles for reproduction address broad social problems, which are often lived in very different ways by different communities. The main question is whether these struggles build communities that compete with other communities and individuals, or whether they find ways to compose across lines of identity in order to make a broader claim on society.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">The Black Panther Party started from a disillusionment with traditional civil rights protest. They asked how it was possible to go beyond symbolic protests and short-lived forms of civil disobedience, by creating a social power in the everyday. They did this by making themselves directly useful to their communities, starting from the specificity of their oppression. With their ‘self-defence programs’ they built a solid base around the issues that were lived much more urgently by black people than other poor communities, such as police brutality and racism. This helped create solidarity between different groups of black people, between those working, studying, and on welfare. But they did not simply oppose white supremacist identity politics with a black nationalist identity politics.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Apart from opening alliances with different struggles – such as those of the students, Native Americans and homosexuals – they created an everyday politics of reproduction with their Survival Pending Revolution programs. These included free breakfast programmes for children, free food programmes for the poor and elderly, free medical clinics, legal aid assistance and much more. These programs created a social base that made the Panthers much more powerful than the regular armed revolutionary groups. For them “revolutionary struggle” did not simply mean an ideology-based struggle for a world to come, but for the defence and extension of new social relations, which were already under construction. The survival programs addressed problems that were shared both by poor workers and the unemployed, by women, men and children, as well as black, Chicano and poor whites – namely, that wages and welfare were not enough to reproduce them. The Panthers show us that struggles grounded in questions of social reproduction can create direct relations of care across lines of colour and profession.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">
Relation to the state</span></h2>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">The question of the state obviously plays a key role here, because this crisis is about the end of a paradigm where states guarantee (at least some of) their populations’ survival. It’s important to remember that the welfare state originally emerged from struggles of workers for basic security and rights – it was born out of a need to pacify industrial workforces through responding to the demands and struggles for a common good. The social and indeed also political rights we won in the course of this are considerable, and we think it’s important to keep that in mind when thinking about struggles and institutions today.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Many of us might have become increasingly cynical about the role of institutions in caring for the bodies under their jurisdiction, since we’ve seen just how corrupt and determined by economic powers state policies have been under neoliberalism. We need to recognise this alienation from the state and oppose the elites that have inhabited it, but in many places it is becoming feasible to start new institutional experiments and forms of governance that speak to our needs. We certainly need to reclaim the functions of self-management and revive our democracies as bottom-up and permanent spaces of decision-making, to push for transparency and give strength to our own experiments in creating supply chains.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">From this, new institutions can be born, or indeed old ones can be taken over, as we see in the struggles of new electoral platforms and parties in the Mediterranean. Syriza, the Spanish municipal platforms as well as the Turkish HDP party all understand the importance of infrastructures of social reproduction at the grassroots and neighbourhood levels. The ways in which they relate to collective care movements such as solidarity clinics, popular soup kitchens, workers cooperatives or grassroots agri-ecological networks will be key in determining whether their politics can lead to a sustainable future. We hope they will not merely snap back into proto-social-democratic politics of labour and economic growth, but recognise the need for a paradigm change; we know they recognise this situation and have many movements pushing them to propose a politics that’s in line with the social imaginaries and practices in place.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">In the crisis, we’ve seen self-organised practices of care take over responsibilities from the state, saving and minding lives where the state divested itself. Movements, volunteers, friends and families build new networks of mutual support. Some neoliberal strategies have this in mind, as the UK Conservatives’ Big Society programme, for instance, or struggles for parent-controlled kindergartens in the German 1980s, which often ended up implying unintended privatisation. Those strategies are often called “neo-communitarian” and try to instrumentalise the social to facilitate privatisation, legitimising cuts on social safety nets like welfare or pensions by saying people do this better when working with the market. It’s a strategy that tries to absorb ongoing collective organisation and weaken existing collective structures. It links the freedom of people with the freedom of the market and insists the state can’t provide freedom.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Occupy Sandy was a great example of how community organising could do things the state couldn’t – effectively rescue people in the face of natural disaster – and this created a chance for Occupy Wall Street to cooperate with working class people that had hitherto seen them as a bunch of media-savvy middle class activists whose ideas and practices were irrelevant to their lives. It was acts of help rather than manifestos that broadened the struggle.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">At the same time, in countries such as Greece, fascists and the church provide soup kitchens and distribute food to gain loyalty through it. Their work resembles charity with all its blackmailing and dependency-creating functions, and yet food provision can also be done in a more militant way, as solidarity and not charity. Many initiatives collectively run soup kitchens open for all, crucial in times of exploding poverty.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">To create networks of care and reproduction can also be a way to avoid the blackmail, discipline and individualisation that comes with conditional support from agencies or the state, like workfare and racial profiling. This also happens in Spain where patients and health workers got together in the Yo Si Sanidad Universal campaign to fight exclusion from access to healthcare, making sure people get treated despite having no formal access to public healthcare (since the law was changed in 2012 to exclude many people).</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">
South/North, Centre/Periphery</span></h2>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Of course the periphery is what reproduces the centre, in material terms. In the case of Europe, there’s a long-standing Eastern semi-periphery; and a renewed Southern one, having those so-called PIGS who have been relegated to a subaltern position since the crisis. And there is the global periphery of course, all those more distant sites of raw material extraction, outsourcing, labour importing, waste dumping, war waging – a complex thing to analyse and currently subject to strong geopolitical shifts.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">In the peripheries, social reproduction is more obvious as a shared problem. Right now, with the drastic changes they have lived through, the European Mediterranean countries have seen an explosion of politics of social reproduction, changing their social and political landscapes and producing not just new practices and movements but also subjectivities and collective resilience. In the Eastern peripheries, experiences of super-exploitation and struggles for survival have been a reality for decades, and European ‘integration’ has meant little more than restructuring that exploitation under new neoliberal logics – alongside a strong erosion of the communal knowledges and practices of self-reproduction that stem from the Yugoslav or indeed Soviet context. Those communal knowledges are also key to learn from, and our next round of case studies will address how these can be articulated through contemporary situations.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">So what we do is set out to see how this horizon for struggle – what we call collective care, or social reproduction – is being articulated in different places.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><i><b>by Manuela Zechner & Bue Rübner Hansen<i><b>| <a href="https://twitter.com/zanubar/" style="color: #335b9c; text-decoration: none;">@zanubar</a> and <a href="https://twitter.com/BueRubner" style="color: #335b9c; text-decoration: none;">@BueRubner</a></b></i> | <a href="http://radicalcollectivecare.blogspot.co.uk/" style="color: #335b9c; text-decoration: none;">the Radical Collective Care project</a></b></i></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #1a1a1a; font-size: 14px; line-height: 18.2000007629395px;"><br /></span></span>
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #1a1a1a; font-size: 14px; line-height: 18.2000007629395px;"><br /></span></span>
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #1a1a1a; font-size: 14px; line-height: 18.2000007629395px;">- Original posting: http://theoccupiedtimes.org/?p=14000</span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #1a1a1a; font-size: 14px; line-height: 18.2000007629395px;">- Pdf: </span>http://theoccupiedtimes.org/PDFs/OT28.pdf (p.6-7)</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #1a1a1a; font-size: 14px; line-height: 18.2000007629395px;">-
In an unofficial Turkish translation:
https://dunyadanceviri.wordpress.com/2015/08/23/toplumsal-yeniden-uretim-ve-kolektif-bakim-manuela-zechner-ve-bue-rubner-hansen/</span></span> </span><br />
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">- <span style="background-color: white; color: #1a1a1a; font-size: 14px; line-height: 18.2000007629395px;">This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License. </span></span></div>
brhhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/04527510831248223543noreply@blogger.com6tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8132093035373861176.post-31363385915048525082015-03-10T03:42:00.001-07:002015-03-10T03:42:49.573-07:00About the Radical Collective Care Practices Project – an interview-text<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-autospace: none;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span lang="EN-US"><i>by B. R</i></span><i><span lang="DE">übner-Hansen, J. Wieger and M. Zechner, questions by
E. Krasny<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="DE" style="font-size: 12pt;">[1]</span></b></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a></span></i><b><span lang="DE"><o:p></o:p></span></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><b><span lang="EN-US">Beginnings /// </span></b><span lang="EN-US">Upon meeting in
Vienna in 2012, at a workshop Manuela ran at VBKÖ (a historical association of
women artists that aims to foster contemporary feminist artistic agendas, in
Vienna), we found that we shared an interest in questions of care, social
reproduction/reproductive labor and collective forms of organizing, food
production and housing. We come from different fields and directions: Julia is
interested in feminist approaches to architecture and was then starting
research on the spatial relations of reproductive labor; Manuela had done
extensive militant research on care networks via workshops and her PhD, in
Spain and the UK notably; and Bue was working theoretically on the question of
social reproduction under capitalism, keeping an eye on the emergent forms of
self-organisation during the crisis in Europe. We decided to start a collective
research process and a corresponding online platform structured around case
studies.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><b><span lang="EN-US">Social and economic crisis /// </span></b><span lang="EN-US">The
idea to start the project came up against the background of a social crisis
convulsing Europe – at a time when the impact of the 2008 financial crisis
could be felt ever more strongly in the so-called PIIGS countries and when
austerity politics started to take effect, further dismantling the social
institutions once provided by the (welfare)states throughout Europe. This
situation was new in Europe, both in the experiences and dilemmas it posed and
the collective and organisational responses it triggered. Autonomous
self-reproduction has become a matter of necessity and survival for many people
(as opposed to being a life-style choice).</span></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><b><span lang="EN-US">Radical Collective Care /// </span></b><span lang="EN-US">Obviously,
the situation in Austria was (and still is) rather quiet and moderate compared
to other countries, and the state still plays a crucial supporting role here.
Even the arts are still decently funded. Noting the profound and growing
disconnect that began to establish itself between northern and southern Europe,
or in other words between peripheral and central Europe, we felt it was
important to kick off debates about ongoing problems and struggles in the wider
context of economic/social crisis in Europe and beyond. We wanted to learn from
historical and contemprorary struggles in Austria, Europe and beyond and make
our modest resources useful for building common notions and sharing examples
across contexts. In our view, self-organised models of reproduction are crucial
for ensuring survival and autonomy in contexts of crisis as well as for
building a new institutional politics based on radical collective intelligence
and decision-making. Our concern with such ‘radical’ practices is not
subcultural practice or a fetishization of precarity and poverty, but about
practices that tackle problems <i>at their root</i>.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><b><span lang="EN-US">Material conditions /// </span></b><span lang="EN-US">We
decided to use the VBKÖ as an initial base for the Radical Colllective Care
practices project, to hold group meetings and presentations there. J was (and
is) a member of the VBKÖ board and helped secure the space as well as some
funding for the project. We wanted this to be a shared process of knowledge
production that would do away with the cultures of individual authorship,
specialist knowledge and also precarization current in art and academia. So
within our modest budgetary possibilities, we invited people interested in or
already working on these issues to present case studies, paid 100€ per case
study. This produced a strong basis for the project, but of course our money
soon ran out, causing us to slow down and seek other formats. In that context,
the project travelled to other places like the Shed Kunsthalle in Zürich and
here. We have since been looking for models and ways to continue the project
within reasonable conditions. In taking our own reproduction seriously, we know
it’s crucial to counter cultures of free labour within cultural and knowledge
production. We will likely focus on feminist economics approach to cultural
production in our next steps.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><b><span lang="EN-US">1. What do you mean by collective care?</span></b></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">We partly already answered this question above.
We’re interested in practices that could offer us cues for alternative ways of
organizing care and social reproduction; alternative structures to those
(anyways) crumbling social institutions of the state; structures that would
step out of capitalist logics of exploitation and competition and rather build
upon forms of collectivity and solidarity – that could take the forms of mutual
aid, sustained self-organization, or institutions of the commons.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">We don’t mean to encourage fatalism about the
welfare state, but rather to acknowledge that any politics – also one which
tries to defend the welfare state – must take seriously both our desires for
greater reproductive autonomy, and the increasing needs that must be satisfied
in collective ways in the crisis. Here we cannot simply wait for a resurgence
of the welfare state, for then other more reactive forms of reproduction take
over: those of the family, the church, or neo-fascist food distribution programs,
for instance. Also in North and Central Europe the “need” to defund welfare
services is couched in economic terms. And indeed it does seem that after the
years of high growth and redistribution in the last half of the 20th century we
are, in Europe as they have long been in the global south, in a situation where
there is a contradiction between our social reproduction and the reproduction
of capital. </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;"> </span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">But of course we are dealing with a political
economy here, and the fact is that the social forces that brought about and
sustained the welfare state are in deep crisis today. And they won’t be brought
back by welfare-state-nostalgia. In countries less affected by the crisis and
suffering a slower de-funding of welfare services, radical collective practices
of care are more of a question of producing and composing political imaginaries
and desires, than of immediate practical need. Our project is a tiny part of a
broader recognition that the question of what we can call radical collective
care, social reproduction, or autonomous self-reproduction, is not merely to
‘change one’s lifestyle’, as it might have been under thriving
consumer-welfare-state-capitalism. Instead it becomes a matter of composing
political forces capable imposing the needs and desires of our social
reproduction against the necessities of the reproduction of the capitalist
system.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><b><span lang="EN-US">2. What do you think is the relation between
austerity urbanism and new forms of care?</span></b></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-autospace: none;">
<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Affordable housing is a part of the social
institutions that are being dismantled in the neoliberal city and even more so
under austerity politics. At the same time, housing is the base for our daily
practices of care and reproduction. How we live – how much of our earnings we
have to spend on rent or mortgages; if we can afford to life close to social or
public infrastructures (like kindergarten, food supply, public transport, etc);
if we can afford to live close to our social networks and networks of support,
or if we are being displaced or threatened by displacement; how much we can
determine our living situations, etc – these are important questions that
determine our daily routines of care and reproduction.</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-autospace: none;">
<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">In that sense there is a direct relation
between schemes of austerity urbanism that (further) cut affordable housing
programs and foster heated real estate markets that drive up rents and prices,
and new forms of care. One example that we looked at, where this relation
becomes very clear, is the social movement PAH (Plataforma de Afectados por la
Hipoteca) in Spain who are fighting for fair access to housing and social
rents. They do so through a politics of networked mutual aid and campaigning –
a fight that became extremely urgent after the burst of the Spanish housing
bubble, the mortgage crisis and the ensuing waves of evictions. It is a quite
impressive movement in terms of its social breadth and depth, its sociability
and collective care, its forms of mutual aid dealing with the banks, as well as
its combativeness in resisting evictions or helping families to re-enter the
houses they have been evicted from. The Solidarity4All network in Greece has
done similar work of establishing vital infrastructures for a brutally
de-classed and impoverished population.</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-autospace: none;">
<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Another example we discussed, that evolved out
of the wish for experimental ways of living and with it alternative and
collective forms of care and support, are the numerous collective housing
projects in Leipzig that are backed by a huge amount infrastructure that
support these experiments. And they also get support by larger solidarity
structure (working throughout Germany) like the Mietshäuser Syndikat that aims
to establish models of collective ownership and to take these projects out of
the real estate market.</span></span><span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;"> </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-autospace: none;">
<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">A third example of taking on the question of
social crisis and social reproduction at the level of the city can be found in
new municipalist movements, such as <a href="http://roarmag.org/2015/03/barcelona-en-comu-guanyem/" target="_blank">Barcelona En Comú</a> which some of us are
collaborating with. The point of radical
practices of collective care is not to negate the institutional dimension but
to map out a sort of source code of collective management, and the criteria
that go with it: not one-sidedly but within, against and beyond the state.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-autospace: none;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><b><span lang="EN-US">3. Why does the context of art and culture
offer a possibility to locate your praxis?</span></b><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-autospace: none;">
<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">There is an interest on the side of the arts –
institutions, groups, projects, debates – to connect to broader political
questions, as we have seen in the last decades. This is often tricky to
negotiate, but so are most things in a world where resources and power are
unevenly distributed. We see the arts and culture as a domain where thought and
experimentation can still have a place, without being subject to efficiency and
productivity measurement quite as in neoliberal academia. It’s important to
keep creating those spaces for encounter and exchange and to use the resources
available, whilst advocating a strong politics of working conditions and
autonomy of production and circulation. Collectively managed institutions such
as the VBKÖ are key pillars of support for such processes. If we consider that
culture, creativity and thought are commons that play no minor role in our
social reproduction, perhaps we can begin to valorise and organise them
differently. Our project is one of many, many experiments with how to do this.</span><span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;"> </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-autospace: none;">
<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">So this is about creating spaces for
discussions that are neither strictly academic or aesthetically oriented, and
neither purely driven by the urgency of activism. We like the possibility of
multi-site and open ended discussion that plattforms and networks can generate,
and consider conversations (in discourse and practice) between activism,
knowledge production, radical pedagogy and cultural production to be very
important.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-autospace: none;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><b><span lang="EN-US">4. Can you describe the structure of a workshop
and what you exhibit?</span></b></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">We usually refer to the case study meetings as
presentations, and they differ in format, depending on who presents and what
they present. Some of these meetings are a bit like seminars, with one or two
structured presentations followed by a discussion; some of them function as
interviews, with onre or more people asking questions to a person or group (in
situ or via skype). Others have involved invited guests who tell of their own
practice and research techniques or pedagogies. Our first few meetings at VBKÖ
were attempts at establishing a stable group of contributors, which failed
somewhat; we thus assumed that the three of us drive the process and also began
to accept to take the project to other places. So far most presentations
happened in cultural spaces and attracted a mix of activists, academics and
cultural workers, and people working across those. But we also work in activist
and academic spaces and see the project as open to travelling, given certain
basic material, ethical and political conditions.</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-autospace: none;">
<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The RadColCare project is not an exhibtion
project as such. M co-curated an exhibition on radical care in Zürich and
brought us in with a series of events and a wall space, which gave us the
occasion to edit and assemble our materials in more solid ways. There we
created a space for reading and listening to case studies in the Shedhalle
library (with audio stations and take-away booklets), and used the same space
for presentations of the domestic worker’s collectives Territorio Doméstico,
Keine Hausarbeiterin ist Illegal and Respekt@Vpod. This space functioned as a
kind of lively and convivial archive. Both J and M have worked with the archive
in various ways in the past and like to play with the display and activiation
of knowledge via such formats.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-autospace: none;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><b><span lang="EN-US">5: I am interested in the etymologic dimension
of the word curating (care) and how the practice of curating can be redefined
by artistic/curatorial/activist practices; do you see a relation to curatorial
practices in your work?</span></b></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-autospace: none;">
<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Curating is probably not the first thing that
comes to our minds when we think of what the work of this project is about, but
when it comes to imagining and discussing how to arrange and set up bodies,
physical or digital architectures and how to position and display information,
perhaps curating could be a verb. This also concerns where and how we want the
project to happen. The same could be said about considerations like who we want
to invite, what practices we want to discuss, how we want to present and
distribute the knowledge that we gathered. So if you take curating to involve
an aspect of cura or care, for sure we take care to do all this in
collectively, politically and ethically sustainable ways. But compared to
classical curating, practiced in museums and art spaces, the practice of the
rad-col-care project is much more open-ended, procession and messy, and
crucially there’s no one figure of a curator who wields great power of the
arrangement of things/places. The care for composition and presentation in our
case is part of a larger question and temporality, not just with the event or
single encounters but with weaving assemblaged and networks over time and
space. And, while this involves trying to establish decent conditions, it
doesn’t hinge on funding quite in the same way that classical curating does and
doesn’t valorize certain curatorial roles over others. The question, perhaps an
existential and political rather than definitional one, is what ‘care’ is taken
to mean in curating. Is it the care of the (beautiful) souls, undertaken by the
specialized functionary, the <i>curator</i> of a parish – this clerical term is
perhaps the most proximate etymology of contemporary art curating – or are we
speaking more broadly of care for processes – social, political, ecological,
corporeal – in the more expansive sense of the Latin word for care, <i>curatus</i>?</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-autospace: none;">
<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-autospace: none;">
<b><span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">6. What are your most important theoretical
references?</span></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span lang="EN-US">For us the writings of feminist authors such as Silvia Federici and
Mariarosa dalla Costa are important sources of inspiration, as well as writings
on commons by people such as the Midnight notes collective, Geogre Caffentzis
or Massimo de Angelis (check out the gendered divisions of subjects!), but also
texts about the crisis from various collectives and individuals. The feminist
authors we appreciate start from the gendered nature of reproductive work while
historicizing, rather than essentialising it as female. At the same time, their
acknowledgement of the violent and economic historical construction of
reproductive work as a separate sphere, does not lead them to simply reject it
or deride it in the name of autonomy. Instead their work points towards radical
practices that disarticulate familiar binaries such as autonomy and heteronomy,
production and reproduction, creative and care, desire and need, avoiding the
subtle violence of invisibility and domestication that comes with choosing side
over the other. These debates are key for questions around the commons as much
as the welfare state, and obviously there is an ecology of debates and writings
in the authors we mention: rather than from individual authors we start from
that ecology.</span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10pt;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10pt;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10pt;"> </span><span lang="DE" style="font-size: 10pt;">We put this together on
the occasion of<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>an invitation to
participate in the exhibition </span><span style="font-size: 10pt;">‘</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10pt;">Suzanne Lacy's <i>International Dinner Party</i>
in feminist curatorial thought’, curated by Elke Krasny at the Toni-Areal, ZHdK,
Zuerich, in 2015.</span></span><span lang="DE" style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: DE; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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adminhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12981338591965987512noreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8132093035373861176.post-71582009238973460412014-03-26T03:20:00.001-07:002014-03-28T01:01:31.684-07:00Collective housing projects and their micro/macrocosms: an example from Leipzig<br />
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<a href="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-9LnZIGch_cY/UzKpX3lWzQI/AAAAAAAAAMA/omfw2DkOf_U/s1600/Collective+House+Leipzig+Map+Detail.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-9LnZIGch_cY/UzKpX3lWzQI/AAAAAAAAAMA/omfw2DkOf_U/s200/Collective+House+Leipzig+Map+Detail.jpg" /></a></div>
Here you can hear a conversation (2013) with an activist living in a collective housing project in Leipzig. Leipzig is a city of about half a million people located in the former GDR, towards the west of which there is currently a lot of collective housing projects being established. Most of them function on the basis of collective purchase. In this area of town there is a huge amount of infrastructures that support experimental ways of living together, from initiatives advising new house collectives in matters related to legal structures, renovation and finances (such as <a href="http://kollektivratleipzig.blogsport.de/"><span class="s1">AG Beratung</span></a>), or in relation to group processes and conflict mediation (such as <a href="https://modemkollektiv.wordpress.com/" target="_blank">Modem</a>), community gardens (such as <a href="http://www.nachbarschaftsgaerten.de/" target="_blank">Nachbarschaftsgärten</a>), food cooperatives (such as<a href="http://rotebeete.org/" target="_blank"> Rote Beete</a> with its distribution points in various collective houses). Additionally, there are also connections to larger solidarity structures such as the <a href="http://www.syndikat.org/en/"><span class="s1">Mietshäuser Syndikat</span></a> which is developing models of collective ownership.</div>
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Below is the map we are drawing throughout the conversation (click to enlarge, it's high res).<br />
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Mapping of collective housing project and surroundings-context, Leipzig, 2013</td></tr>
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adminhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12981338591965987512noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8132093035373861176.post-12356489209388255382014-03-24T09:56:00.000-07:002014-03-26T03:31:48.590-07:00„Für die Frauen ist zu Hause nur Schichtwechsel!“: Käthe Leichter, die Wirtschaftskrise der 1930er Jahre und Reproduktionsarbeit<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Käthe
Leichter – <span style="background: transparent;">Sozialistin,
Austromarxistin uns Widerstandskämpferin – </span>zählt
zu den aller ersten Frauen Österreichs die Volkswirtschaft studiert
haben. Aufgrund der engen Verknüpfung ökonomischer und
frauenspezifischen Fragestellungen in ihrer politischen und
theoretischen Arbeit kann sie zu recht als erste feministische
(studierte) Ökonomin bezeichnet werden.</span></div>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br />
</span></div>
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://3.bp.blogspot.com/-9atviQweRHQ/UzBhEIafCJI/AAAAAAAAAKs/TW293-kA_ZY/s1600/Leichter_SoLebenWir.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><img border="0" src="http://3.bp.blogspot.com/-9atviQweRHQ/UzBhEIafCJI/AAAAAAAAAKs/TW293-kA_ZY/s1600/Leichter_SoLebenWir.jpg" height="213" width="320" /></span></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: small;"><span style="line-height: 16px; text-align: start;">Eine Fragebogenuntersuchung über Lohnarbeit, Hausarbeit und </span><span style="line-height: 16px; text-align: start;">Freizeit zur Zeit der Finanz- und Wirtschaftskrise 1931</span></span></td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br />
</span></div>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Die
auf einer Fragebogenerhebung basierende Studie von Käthe Leichter
„So
Leben Wir … . 1320 Industriearbeiterinnen berichten über ihr
Leben“
ist aus zwei Gründen bemerkenswert: 1) Aufgrund des Zeitpunkts der
Erhebung 1931 – inmitten der Finanz- und Wirtschaftskrise, kurz
nach dem Zusammenbruch der Credit-Anstalt – handelt es sich um ein
wichtiges Dokument der Wirtschaftskrise. 2) Die breite Themensetzung:
Im Zentrum der Betrachtung steht nicht nur die Arbeiterin in der
Fabrik, sondern ebenso die Haus- und Reproduktionsarbeit sowie die
Freizeit. Die Ergebnisse der Studie sind mit den Bildstatistiken Otto
Neuraths illustriert, somit findet sich hier auch die ersten
bildstatistischen Darstellungen über Umfang und Verteilung der
Hausarbeit auf verschiedene Haushaltsmitglieder. </span><br />
<a name='more'></a><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Eine derartige
Gleichgewichtung und Verknüpfung der Lebensbereiche –
Erwerbsarbeit, Hausarbeit und Freizeit – im Rahmen
sozio-ökonomischer Studien findet sich erst im Zuge der zweiten
Frauenbewegung wieder und ist selbst bei heutigen Krisenanalysen noch
eine Rarität.</span></div>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br />
</span></div>
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://3.bp.blogspot.com/--50HE6kqWek/UzBhZ1b7VyI/AAAAAAAAAK0/0DO7MkfOqrk/s1600/Leichter_BelastungMitHausarbeit.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><img border="0" src="http://3.bp.blogspot.com/--50HE6kqWek/UzBhZ1b7VyI/AAAAAAAAAK0/0DO7MkfOqrk/s1600/Leichter_BelastungMitHausarbeit.jpg" height="213" width="320" /></span></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="line-height: 16px; text-align: start;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: small;">Belastung mit Hausarbeit</span></span></td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<blockquote class="tr_bq" style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><i>"Unerträglich lange scheint den meisten Arbeiterinnen die Zeit,
die sie in der Fabrik verbringen. Und doch ist auch diese Zeit nur
ein Teil ihres Arbeitstages. Zu Hause harrt ihrer der zweite
Arbeitstag!"</i> S. 45.</span></blockquote>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br />
</span></div>
<blockquote class="tr_bq" style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><i>"Der zweite Arbeitstag der Arbeiterin wird im Haushalt
verbracht. Kochen nähen, waschen, einkaufen, Kinder versorgen - …,
die ihren Arbeitstag verdoppeln und verdreifachen."</i> S. 78</span></blockquote>
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<blockquote class="tr_bq" style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><i>"[...] fast die Hälfte der Arbeiterinnen hat die Hausarbeit ohne jede
Hilfe zu leisten [...]" </i>S. 82</span></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq" style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
</blockquote>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Hilfe gibt es am Häufigsten von
Mutter oder Schwiegermutter (52%), vom Mann in etwa gleich häufig
wie von den eigenen Kindern oder Geschwistern (14%).</span></div>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br />
</span></div>
<blockquote class="tr_bq" style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><i>"Sich untertags hinlegen, ausruhen – das gibt es vielleicht
für Damen, für Arbeiterinnen gibt es das nicht."</i> S. 85.</span></blockquote>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br />
</span></div>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">
Ein Fragenblock der Erhebung richtet sich nach weiteren Wünschen,
Bedürfnissen bezüglich der Hausarbeit und hinsichtlich der
Akzeptanz bestehenden Einrichtungen (u.a. Kindergärten,
Waschküchen), die zu einer Erleichterung der Reproduktionsarbeit
beitragen sollen. Käthe Leichter geht ihn ihrem Text, basierend auf
den Antworten der Befragten, sehr ausführlich auf die
Widersprüchlichkeiten und Probleme mit den Ansätzen einer
Kollektivierung der Haus- und Reproduktionsarbeit ein.
</span></div>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br />
</span></div>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">
In Bezug auf die <b>Kindergärten</b> werden von den Befragten Frauen
beispielsweise folgende Problembereiche genannt: Öffnungszeiten, wer
soll die Kinder in der Früh hinbringen? Kinder können sich viel
leichter von anderen Kindern anstecken. Wer kümmert sich um die
Kinder wenn sie krank sind?</span></div>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br />
</span></div>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Auch nach dem </span><b>Einküchenhaus</b>
wurde im Fragebogen explizit gefragt. Die Antworten fielen aber, für
jemand die/der dieses Projekt für befürwortenswert hält
enttäuschend aus. Zum einen war es vielen der Befragten gar nicht
bekannt bzw. herrschten recht ungenaue Vorstellungen darüber was das
Einküchenhaus eigentlich ist. Aus diesen ungenauen Vorstellungen
begründete sich zumindest ein Teil der ablehnenden Haltung.
Insgesamt stieß das Projekt bei den Befragten auf wenig Gegenliebe.
Hier einige Antworten auf die Frage „<span style="color: black;"><span style="text-decoration: none;"><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;"><span style="text-decoration: none;">
Für welche Einrichtungen des Haushalts sind sie (Zentralisierung,
Einküchenhaus)?:</span></span></span></span></span></span></span></div>
<blockquote class="tr_bq" style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br />
„<span style="font-size: small;"><i>Das wäre ein
Traum, wenn er nicht so teuer käme</i>„</span></span></blockquote>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br />
</span></div>
<blockquote class="tr_bq" style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">
„<span style="font-size: small;"><i>Das
Einküchenhaus ist noch undiskutabel“,</i></span></span></blockquote>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br />
</span></div>
<blockquote class="tr_bq" style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">
„<span style="font-size: small;"><i>Man muss dort
essen, was man kriegt</i>„, <i>„Ich zieh selbst gekochtes vor.</i>„</span></span></blockquote>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br />
</span></div>
<blockquote class="tr_bq" style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">
„<span style="font-size: small;"><i>Wenn ich
einmal in keine Arbeit gehen würde, dann hätte der Haushalt die
</i><i>große Erleichterung.“</i></span></span></blockquote>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br />
</span></div>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">
In ihrer Untersuchung geht Käthe Leichter unter anderem auf
folgenden krisenbezogenen Themenkomplexe ein. In gegenwärtigen
Untersuchungen zur aktuellen Krise werden diese Themenfelder nach wie
vor kaum behandelt.
</span></div>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br />
</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">
Familiäre Netzwerke als Auffangnetz in Krisenzeiten</span></div>
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<li><div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">
Veränderung von Geschlechterrollen und Rollenverhältnissen
aufgrund der Krise
</span></div>
</li>
<li><div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">
Die Frau in der Familie wird aufgrund der Krise immer öfter zur
Ernähererin</span></div>
</li>
</ul>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br />
</span></div>
<blockquote class="tr_bq" style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">
„<i>War die Frau vor dem Krieg oft zusätzliche Verdienerin, ist
sie durch den Krieg und den Frauenüberschuß der Nachkrieszeit immer
öfter zur Selbsterhalterin geworden – die Krise macht sie immer
mehr zur Familienerhaltern.“</i> S. 102.</span></blockquote>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br />
</span></div>
<blockquote class="tr_bq" style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">
„<i>Aber die große Familie ist nicht mehr wie einst die große
Zuflucht, der Rückhalt für die arbeitende Frau. ... Keine größere
Familie, in der sich heutzutage nicht traurige Schicksale und Sorgen
häufen. Die große Familie ist heute weit öfter Belastung als
Rückhalt für die arbeitende Frau.“</i> S. 76
</span></blockquote>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br />
</span></div>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br />
</span></div>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">
Selbstorganisierung – Was, wer ist das Selbst bei der
Selbstorganisierung, wie groß oder klein ist das Kollektiv auf das
das Selbst referiert? Wie ist es strukturiert?. Innerhalb der
(sozialdemokratischen Arbeiterbewegung) waren es zumindest Vereine
(Arbeiterbildungsvereine aus denen die Volkshochschulen entstanden
sind, Flamme, Kinderfreunde, … fast alle Bereiche des Lebens),
Konsumgenossenschaft.</span></div>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br />
</span></div>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<b><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Das rote Wien und die Vergesellschaftung von Hausarbeit, oder
Staatliche finanzierte kollektive Versorgungseinrichtungen ja –
Geschlechterkampf in der Familie nein!</span></b></div>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br />
</span></div>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">
Die Sozialdemokratie war bezüglich der Gleichstellung der Frau bzw.
der „gerechten“ Verteilung von unbezahlter Hausarbeit von
ambivalenten bzw. gegenläufigen Meinungen geprägt. Die durchaus
patriarchale Position verdeutlicht sich beispielsweise in einem Zitat
von Otto Bauer, in dem er beschreibt, wie die täglichen Mühen und
Lasten der Hausarbeit den Arbeiter – er bezieht sich hier explizit
auf den männlichen Arbeiter- davon abhält sich entspannen oder
weiter bilden zu können.Im Fokus der Sorgen Otto Bauer stand weniger
die Arbeitsbelastung der Frau, als die gestörte Abendruhe des
Arbeiters.<span style="font-size: small;"> </span>
</span></div>
<div style="border: none; font-weight: normal; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm; text-decoration: none;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br />
</span></div>
<blockquote class="tr_bq" style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="text-decoration: none;"><span style="text-decoration: none;">„<span style="font-size: small;"><i><span style="font-weight: normal;">In
den ersten Jahren der Ehe war diese Wohnung mit Kindern </span></i></span></span></span></span><span style="color: black;"><span style="text-decoration: none;"><span style="font-size: small;"><i><span style="font-weight: normal;"><span style="text-decoration: none;">gefüllt,
die nacheinander kamen … und ... noch Bettgeher drin. Und sagen sie
mir, ob der Arbeiter der nach seiner Arbeit nach Hause kommt,
irgendwas und irgendwie die Möglichkeit hat, je auch nur eine Minute
allein zu sein, auch nur eine Minute Ruhe zu haben … je einmal
etwas lesen zu können, und wenn es auch nur die Zeitung wäre. Das
ist ganz unmöglich … wenn man acht Stunden gearbeitet hat und müde
ist, und die Kinder schreien und Wäsche gewaschen wird, und noch der
Bettgeher das ist das ist nicht auszuhalten. … . </span></span></i></span></span></span><span style="color: black;"><span style="text-decoration: none;"><span style="font-size: small;"><i><span style="font-weight: normal;"><span style="text-decoration: none;">Da
gibt’s nur eins: ins Wirtshaus gehen!“</span></span></i></span></span></span></span></blockquote>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br />
</span></div>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">
Ziel der österreichischen Sozialdemokratie dieser Zeit war der
Aufbau eines sozialistischen Staates; dies implizierte einen Bruch
mit dem Kapitalismus – Austromarxismus Otto Bauers (Linzer
Parteiprogramm) – insofern war es keine anti-staatliche Politik
perse, sondern eine, die sich gegen den bürgerlichen Staat richtete
und für den Aufbau eines Arbeiter(innen)staates eintrat. Die Macht
de<span style="font-weight: normal;">r Unternehmen sollte unter
anderem durch die Gründung von</span><b> </b>Konsumgenossenschaft
geschwächt werden. Im Frauenteil, des für damalige Zeit sehr
fortschrittlichen und von Therese Schlesinger mitverfassten, Linzer
Parteiprogramms von 1926 wurde unter anderem folgende Forderungen
aufgestellt:</span></div>
<blockquote class="tr_bq" style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br />
„<span style="font-size: small;"><i><span style="color: black;"><span style="text-decoration: none;"><span style="font-weight: normal;"><span style="text-decoration: none;">Verbot
der Frauenarbeit in allen dem weiblichen Organismus besonders
schädlichen Berufen; freier Zutritt der Frauen zu allen anderen
Berufen und zu allen Verwendungen innerhalb der Berufe; gleiche
Möglichkeit der beruflichen Ausbildung, gleichen Lohn für gleiche
Arbeit.<br /> </span></span></span></span></i></span><br /><span style="font-size: small;"><i><span style="font-weight: normal;">Erleichterung
der Haushaltsarbeit</span></i><i><span style="font-weight: normal;">
durch zweckdienliche Einrichtungen im Rahmen des gemeinnützigen
Wohnungs</span></i><i>baues, Erleichterung der Arbeitslast der Mütter
durch Errichtung öffentlicher Tagesheimstätten für
schulpflichtige, vorschulpflichtige und Krippenkinder. Rechtliche
Gleichstellung der unehelichen Kinder mit den ehelichen.</i>“</span></span></blockquote>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br />
</span></div>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">
Zur Erleichterung der Hausarbeit (der Frauen) wurden im roten Wien
folgende Maßnahmen, zumindest in den neu errichteten Gemeindebauten
umgesetzt:</span></div>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br />
</span></div>
<ul>
<li><div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">
öffentliche Kindergärten</span></div>
</li>
<li><div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">
Waschküchen in den Gemeindebeuten</span></div>
</li>
<li><div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">
Erleichterungen im Privathaushalt ergaben sich über Strom und
Wasser in der Wohnung, mehr Platz,
</span></div>
</li>
<li><div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">
Wohnungen für allein lebende (u.a. für allein lebende Frauen)</span></div>
</li>
</ul>
<ul>
<li><div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">
Ein weiteres Element dass eng mit dem Komplex der Reproduktion
verbunden war, war die Politisierung des Konsums. Durch die Gründung
von Konsumgenossenschaften sollte die macht von Unternehmen
untergraben, die Konsumgüter durch die Ausschaltung von
ZwischenhändlerInnen günstiger gemacht und die Macht der
KonsumentInnen gestärkt werden.</span></div>
</li>
</ul>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br />
</span></div>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">
Zur Umsetzung dieser Vorhaben wurden in Wien eigene Steuern - benannt
nach dem damaligen Fina<span style="font-weight: normal;">nzstadtrat
Hugo Breitner – die Breitner Steuern,eingeführt. Diese umfassten
beispielsweise die </span><span style="color: black;"><span style="text-decoration: none;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;"><span style="text-decoration: none;">
</span></span></span></span></span><span style="color: black;"><span style="text-decoration: none;"><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;"><span style="text-decoration: none;">Wohnbausteuer</span></span></span></span></span></span><span style="color: black;"><span style="text-decoration: none;"><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;"><span style="text-decoration: none;">
(die teuersten 0,5% der Objekte erbrachten 44,5% der Gesamtleistung)
sowie verschiedene </span></span></span></span></span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Luxussteuern</span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">
(</span></span><span style="font-size: small;">Autos,
Pferde, Hauspersonal, Vergnügen, Luxusartikel) die für
Sozialprogrammen zweckgebunden waren. Bezüglich dieser Steuern
meinte Hugo Breitner:</span></span></div>
<blockquote class="tr_bq" style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /><span style="color: black;"><span style="text-decoration: none;"><span style="text-decoration: none;">„<span style="font-size: small;"><i><span style="font-weight: normal;">Luxus
und Vergnügen zu besteuern, um </span></i></span></span></span><span style="color: black;"><span style="text-decoration: none;"><i><span style="font-weight: normal;"><span style="text-decoration: none;">die
Aufziehung eines körperlich gesunden, geistig freien,
lebenstüchtigen und lebensfrohen Geschlechtes zu ermöglichen, ist
der Grundgedanke der sozial-demokratischen Gemeindepolitik.</span></span></i></span></span><span style="color: black;"><span style="text-decoration: none;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;"><span style="text-decoration: none;">„</span></span></span></span></span></span></span></blockquote>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br />
</span></div>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br />
</span></div>
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://3.bp.blogspot.com/-yNjPnjzG2Lo/UzBicRfgUvI/AAAAAAAAAK8/q4hzZKZ_23E/s1600/Leichter_BreitenerSteuer.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><img border="0" src="http://3.bp.blogspot.com/-yNjPnjzG2Lo/UzBicRfgUvI/AAAAAAAAAK8/q4hzZKZ_23E/s1600/Leichter_BreitenerSteuer.jpg" height="320" width="217" /></span></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="line-height: 16px; text-align: start;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: small;">Breitner Steuer</span></span></td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">
Wohnbaupolitik war eines der zentralen Themen des roten Wiens, heute
spielt sie in der Sozialdemokratie kaum noch eine Rolle;
Arbeitsmarktpolitik wird mit Sozialpolitik gleich gesetzt.</span></div>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br />
</span></div>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br />
</span></div>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm; text-align: right;">
<span style="color: purple; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><i><b>
Käthe Leichter</b></i></span></div>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm; text-align: right;">
<span style="color: purple; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><i>Bis
zum Verbot, Auflösung und Verfolgung durch den Austrofaschismus im
Jahr 1934 war <span style="font-weight: normal;">Käthe
Leichter</span>
in der sozialdemokratischen Arbeiterpartei aktiv und anschließen im
Rahmen der von ihr mitbegründeten revolutionären Sozialisten im
Untergrund tätig. 1940 wird sie verraten, in das
Frauenkonzentrationslage Ravensbrück deportiert und 1940 im Zuge
eines Euthanasieprogrammes in der Anstalt Bernburg/Saale ermordet.
Ihr
Studium in Wien war ihr, da Frauen auf der juridischen Fakultät erst
1919 regulär zugelassen wurden, nur über eine Sondergenehmigung
möglich. Die Promotion wurde ihr dennoch verweigert, so dass sie
nach Heidelberg zu Max Weber ausweichen musste. Nach ihrem Studium
war sie u.a. bei Otto Bauer in der Staatskommission für
Sozialisierung tätig und Fragen nach konkreten wirtschaftlichen
Alternativen zum Kapitalismus werden sie bis in die 1930er Jahre
begleiten. Entsprechend ihrer Funktion als Leiterin des
Frauenreferats der Arbeiterkammer Wien, welches sie 1925 gegründet
hatte, liegt einer ihrer Themenschwerpunkte beim Arbeitsleben der
Frau. Innerhalb dieser Funktion führte sie gemeinsam mit anderen die
1931, Studie „So Leben Wir … . 1320 Industriearbeiterinnen
berichten über ihr Leben“ durch.</i></span></div>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br />
</span></div>
<h3 class="western" style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-right: 0.29cm; margin-top: 0cm; padding: 0cm; page-break-after: avoid;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: small;"><br />
</span></h3>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br />
</span></div>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<b><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">
Literatur:</span></b></div>
<div style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br />
</span></div>
<h2 align="JUSTIFY" class="western" style="border: none; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: small;"><span style="color: #333333;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Knittler,
Käthe: Käthe Leichter und die Wirtschaftskrise, Kurswechsel 4/2013.
Kurzfassung unter </span></span></span><a href="http://www.arbeit-wirtschaft.at/servlet/ContentServer?pagename=X03/Page/Index&n=X03_0.a&cid=1384551697084">http://www.arbeit-wirtschaft.at/servlet/ContentServer?pagename=X03/Page/Index&n=X03_0.a&cid=1384551697084</a><span style="color: #333333;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">
</span></span></span>
</span></h2>
<div align="JUSTIFY" style="border: none; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br />
</span></div>
<h2 align="JUSTIFY" class="western" style="border: none; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: small;"><span style="color: #333333;">Leichter,
Käthe (1932): „So Leben Wir … . 1320 Industriearbeiterinnen
berichten über ihr Leben“, Wien. </span>
</span></h2>
<h2 align="JUSTIFY" class="western" style="border: none; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
</h2>
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<h2 align="JUSTIFY" class="western" style="border: none; font-weight: normal; line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm; padding: 0cm;">
<span style="color: #333333;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: small;">Steiner,
Herbert (Hg.) (1997): Käthe Leichter. Leben, Werk und Sterben einer
österreichischen Sozialdemokratin. Wien.</span></span></h2>
adminhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12981338591965987512noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8132093035373861176.post-12836561515971340862013-08-02T17:22:00.000-07:002014-03-26T03:31:40.041-07:00The Plataforma de Afectados por la Hipoteca (PAH)<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><b>The PAH </b>has been one of the strongest social movements in Spain since 2011, fighting for fair access to housing and social rents through a politics of networked mutual aid and campaigning. </span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="line-height: 18px;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">This entry focuses on the specific campaigns and organizational ways in which the PAH works, and briefly outlines the complex entwinings of different levels of crisis (housing, financial, sovereign debt, ...) in Spain as well as the legal situation surrounding mortgages (which involves host of old and new laws and many ongoing levels of contestation and reform). For now a summary description of the PAH from 15MPedia:</span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="line-height: 18px;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<div style="text-align: left;">
<i><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">The Platform of People affected by mortgages / the subprime
mortgage crisis, or PAH, is a social movement and platform struggling for
decent housing, which emerged in Barcelona in February 2009 and now extends
across the Spanish territory. It surged in response to the real estate crisis
of 2008 that triggered the bursting of the Spanish housing bubble and became a
strong part of the movements that later emerged in response to the sovereign
debt crisis and austerity politics. It's part of the 15M movement, which kicked
off in 2011.</span></i></div>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<div style="text-align: left;">
<i><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">The PAH brings together people who find it difficult to pay back their
mortgages or find themselves in a process of eviction due to unpaid mortgages,
and people in solidarity with this problem. It defines itself as 'a group of
people who, unaffiliated with any party, recognizes that […] the current legal
framework is designed to guarantee that banks cash in on debt, while at the
same time the law gives no protection to the people with mortgages who are
unable to cover their payments due to reasons such as unemployment or rising
fees/interests'. It's a horizontal, non-violent and assembly-based movement
unaffiliated with political parties.</span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">The PAH meets in assemblies that go through the different cases of
people affected by the mortgage crisis and laws, to offer advice and mutual aid
in order to give both practical and emotional support.</span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">In January 2013, the PAH was awarded the national prize for human
rights. <a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#_edn1" name="_ednref1" style="mso-endnote-id: edn1;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US">[i]</span></span></span></span></a></span></span></i></div>
</blockquote>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">We are very interested in the organizational and everyday dimensions of the PAH, not just because struggling around housing is to struggle around a key dimension of social reproduction, but also because this is a movement that brings together collective care and popular support in a political practice that is both situated and widely networked.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<i style="line-height: 18px;"><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">V<a href="http://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=TkrM-zBGjBQ" target="_blank">ideo-introduction to the PAH’s work</a> (2013 [es/en</span></i><br />
<a name='more'></a><i style="line-height: 18px;"><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">g]).</span></i></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
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<h3 style="text-align: left;">
<b style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">SOME BACKGROUND INFORMATION</span></b></h3>
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<b style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Economic-political
context</span></b></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">Spain has had a
growing housing bubble since the 90s.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">‘</span><span style="background: white; color: black; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The housing bubble can be clearly divided in three
periods: 1985-1991, in which the price nearly </span><span style="background-color: white; color: black; line-height: 115%;">tripled, 1992-1996, in which the
price remained somewhat stable, and 1996-2008, in which prices grew
astonishingly again. Coinciding with the </span><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Late-2000s_financial_crisis" style="line-height: 115%;" title="Late-2000s financial crisis"><span style="background: white; color: #0b0080; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">late 2000s financial crisis</span></a><span style="background-color: white; line-height: 115%;">, prices began to fall.’<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#_edn2" name="_ednref2" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="color: black;">[ii]</span></span></span></a></span></span></div>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-rkA4jnvRxBM/UffVuP_sFzI/AAAAAAAAAD8/5oTZVkZrtIs/s1600/Vivienda_prices-jun2009.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><img border="0" height="320" src="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-rkA4jnvRxBM/UffVuP_sFzI/AAAAAAAAAD8/5oTZVkZrtIs/s320/Vivienda_prices-jun2009.png" width="293" /></span></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: small;">Nominal average prices of new housing in Spain (Euros/m2) Source: http://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Burbuja_inmobiliaria_en_Espa%C3%B1a</span></td></tr>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 115%;">It’s not least due to this establishing of this culture and market of
homeownership that Spain has very little public housing. Instead of investing
in public housing, the various social democrat (Aznar, 1996-2004) and
conservative (Zapatero, 2004-2011) governments (variously entangled with real
estate markets, with several corruption cases identified) have chosen to push
for people buying private homes. This has lead to a construction boom since the
2000s.</span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">All along, banks have given away cheap mortgages, and people have been
encouraged to buy houses rather than rent them: the argument being that with
increasing demand, prices will fall. However since the late 90s, prices
increased, putting many people into trouble with paying back their mortgages.
Since 1999, rents have gone up by 180%, making many people turn to buying a
house via a mortgage. 80% of the population in Spain owns a house by now<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#_edn3" name="_ednref3" style="mso-endnote-id: edn3;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US">[iii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>.
Throughout the 20<sup>th</sup> century, along with urbanization, there has been
an increase in home ownership – the flows and reasons for which are too
complicated to lay out here<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#_edn4" name="_ednref4" style="mso-endnote-id: edn4;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US">[iv]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
- and since the 60s and 70s particularly, people have been encouraged to buy
housing (via mortgage schemes, tax benefits etc).</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">Video [es]:<a href="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MqogqyPXBLM&feature=c4-overview-vl&list=PL1694465F30EAFAD4" target="_blank"> The DNA of the Housing Bubble (made by PAH)</a>, 2009 <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">Then in 2008 came the mortgage crisis in the US, which impacted on the
Spanish market too, as well as the global financial crisis. With unemployment
rising steeply in the context of the multiple crisis that started in 2008 many
people can not afford to repay their mortgages and are thus at risk of
eviction. Along with the financial crisis, which made banks reluctant to issue
cheap and insecure loans, this made the speculative bubble stop and burst.
Unemployment is now at 26,9% (May 2013 – for the first time, this slightly
exceeds the Greek figures of the same time) and at 57,3% for young people
(below 25 years of age). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;"><b>Legal context and social consequences<o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">The Spanish law has it that when a borrower can’t pay their mortgage,
they must not only give up their home and return it to the lender, or to accept
the loss of all the money they had already paid into the mortgage, but they
will also be expected to repay the rest of the full loan to the borrower, being
liable internationally to give any of their assets up for this repayment. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">There have been about 400.000 new mortgage foreclosures since 2008,
about half of which ended up in evictions<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#_edn5" name="_ednref5" style="mso-endnote-id: edn5;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US">[v]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>.
Thousands of people are left paying loans of property they no longer own. A
homelessness crisis has ensued with this dizzying pace of evictions, and there
is no adequate sheltering system for the thousands who find themselves in the
street<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#_edn6" name="_ednref6" style="mso-endnote-id: edn6;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US">[vi]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>.
Some 23.000 people are using homeless’ services as of 2013, which is only a
small proportion of those without a home however<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#_edn7" name="_ednref7" style="mso-endnote-id: edn7;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US">[vii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;"></span></div>
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Between 2008 and 2013, over 20 eviction-related suicides have been made public in the press.<span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#_edn17" name="_ednref17" title="">[xvii]</a> The PAH's aims also include the creation of community support to avoid suicides.</span></span></span><o:p></o:p></span><br />
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<h3>
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;"><b>DACION EN PAGO – INICIATIVA LEGISLATIVA POPULAR</b></span></h3>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;"></span></div>
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br class="Apple-interchange-newline" />This is why one of the core demands of the PAH has concerned the reform of the laws around mortgages, demanding for a ‘dacion en pago’<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#_edn8" name="_ednref8" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US">[viii]</span></span></span></a>, a way of returning ones mortgaged property instead of having to keep paying the loan. In the concrete case of thousands of Spaniards who took a mortgage from a bank, this means handing the keys of their property over in order to be cleared of their remaining mortgage payments – escaping the endless spiral of debt that comes with being evicted whilst having to keep paying the bank. Alongside their community work and re-housing people, the PAH has helped hundreds of people win the dacion en pago, but it is ultimately in the hands of lenders (so in most cases, banks) to grant this procedure or not: the PAH demands the granting of the dacion en pago to all, including the retroactive application of the dacion en pago to those evicted.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">From 2010 to 2012, together with a series of social and labour
organizations, they ran various national and local efforts to change legislation
and policy. The PAH demands the retroactive granting of the dacion en pago
(letting people off the hook of having to keep repaying banks long after they
left their house) along with a moratorium on evictions, the stopping of
evictions and the encouragement of social rent. In 2010, a proposal for
amendment to the law was taken to congress but rejected by the two main
parties, PP and PSOE. In 2012, the PAH set out to gather half a million
signatures across the Spanish state in order to formally constitute a Popular
Legislative Initiative<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#_edn9" name="_ednref9" style="mso-endnote-id: edn9;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US">[ix]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
to force government, senate and congress to deal with the proposal. The PAH
managed to gather 1.402.854 signatures<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#_edn10" name="_ednref10" style="mso-endnote-id: edn10;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US">[x]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>,
three times as much as required, and the case was presented to the Congress
early on in 2013. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">Video [es]: <a href="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JT106c9RH8M&feature=c4-overview-vl&list=PLuiIfWhxeCIiHd7c3eA5hVwekiItNGRNv" target="_blank">PAH hands 1.402.854 signatures to Congress</a>, January 2013 <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">As Ada Colau, one of the key spokespersons of the PAH affirms in the
midst of their campaign in 2012<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#_edn11" name="_ednref11" style="mso-endnote-id: edn11;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US">[xi]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>,
the PAH has tried everything - from protest to presenting motions at local
councils, to individual legal appeals and proposals to congress, testing all
means available to them as citizens in order to change an unjust situation. The
new legislative initiative was an attempt to resort to the final and highest
means of citizen demand, forcing those in power to take the issue seriously. As
signatures were gathered, opinion polls indicated that some 90% of Spaniards
are in favour of the PAH’s proposal to change the law<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#_edn12" name="_ednref12" style="mso-endnote-id: edn12;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US">[xii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>.
Many lawyers are supporting the cause.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Video [es]: <a href="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LtNBnc6khHg&feature=c4-overview-vl&list=PLuiIfWhxeCIiHd7c3eA5hVwekiItNGRNv" target="_blank">Ada Colau speaks in the Deputies Congress</a>, Madrid, February 2013</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">Once it came to voting on its proposals, in May 2013, the conservative
party in power in Spain, the Partido Popular, rejected all of the Ppoular
Initiative’s demands while it made it’s ‘law to protect people with mortgages’,
which ignores all the PAH’s central claims: stopping all evictions now, social
rent, and the Dacion en pago<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#_edn13" name="_ednref13" style="mso-endnote-id: edn13;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US">[xiii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>.
Speaking of a surpression of democracy, the PAH withdrew their Popular
Legislative Initiative<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#_edn14" name="_ednref14" style="mso-endnote-id: edn14;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US">[xiv]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>.
They affirm the undemocratic nature of the current political system and the
corruption of the party in power. Indeed, the situation came to be increasingly
visible internationally too as in March 2013, the European Court of Justice
ruled that Spanish mortgage law is abusive, based on a Barcelona mortgage-based
legal case<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#_edn15" name="_ednref15" style="mso-endnote-id: edn15;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US">[xv]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>.
Colau spoke at the European Parliament about the situation<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#_edn16" name="_ednref16" style="mso-endnote-id: edn16;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US">[xvi]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>.
While the Partido Popular formally took notice of this ruling and its
obligation to include it in their reform, it passed its new law on evictions
without taking the PAH’s key points into account – no retroactive mortgage
cancellations, no social rent or end to evictions.</span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Times;"><span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference" style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></span></span></span></div>
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<h3>
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;"><b>STOP DESAHUCIOS</b></span></h3>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;"><b><br /></b></span></div>
</div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">STOP DESAHUCIOS is key strand in the PAH's ongoing campaigns. Literally meaning 'stop evictions', this ongoing practice sets out to stop the forceful evictions
of persons and families who are unable to repay their mortgages, and who find
themselves affected by the heavily biased legal framework (see above). In 2011, a PAH-related web platform emerged from the broader housing movement, centered around an interactive map that
records incidents of eviction (via 4 categories: eviction in progress, stopped
eviction, evicted family, action). Across different cities and towns, people could register ongoing or past evictions or actions, write reports and updates about
them and use the website to link in with social networks in their region, so as
to mobilize support for blockading evictions and the likes. The map also
functions as an archive, featuring a timeline via which one can browse how many
evictions happened between any length of time. It was launched in 2011 and in use until december 2012 - a good example of the variety of initiatives that come to play into this struggle around housing and support the PAH movement.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 18px;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="line-height: 18px;">This map can be found at </span><a href="http://stopdesahucios.tomalaplaza.net/" style="line-height: 18px;">http://stopdesahucios.tomalaplaza.net/</a> <span style="line-height: 18px;">The PAH's own 'stop evictions' webpage, still active, similarly functions as a forum where people discuss legal issues, give account of evictions and mutual advice. </span><a href="http://www.stopdesahucios.es/" style="line-height: 18px;">http://www.stopdesahucios.es/</a></span></div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">Since 2008 in Spain, there have been 400.000 evictions of
people/families from their homes, while at the same time there are 3,5 million
empty houses<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#_edn18" name="_ednref18" style="mso-endnote-id: edn18;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US">[xviii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
in this country (2013) due to the real estate bubble that exploded in 2008. In
2012 in Spain, some 115 evictions took place every day<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#_edn19" name="_ednref19" style="mso-endnote-id: edn19;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US">[xix]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">Video [es]: <a href="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OjBvfbth8Fc&feature=c4-overview-vl&list=PL27C685753D88F221" target="_blank">PAH Stops an eviction Catalunya</a>, 2011<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;"><br /></span></div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">The PAH, in bringing together people in their neighbourhoods to defend
individuals and families from being thrown out of their home, has stopped 725 evictions
in total. It serves as a platform for people to gather and physically stop the
bailiffs and eviction retinues from getting to the flat in question, as well as
obstructing the police's work through passive resistance. It has also helped
negotiate hundreds of DACIONES EN PAGO for people affected by the current
situation around mortgages.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">Video [es]: <a href="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FwrPYc1Uzwg&feature=c4-overview-vl&list=PL27C685753D88F221" target="_blank">PAH Stops an Eviction in Catalunya</a>, 2010<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;"><br /></span></div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">But through its local nodes and networks, the PAH also offers support
and assistance to people who effectively get evicted, helping them find legal
support, raising money for legal fees and other needs, building strong
neighbourhood solidarity to defend and protect those most vulnerable. This
leads into another area of the work of this movement, as described below.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
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<h3>
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;"><b>OBRA SOCIAL DE LA PAH</b></span></h3>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;"><b><br /></b></span></div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">Through its community work (obra social) campaign, launched after the
hijacking of their popular legislative initiative in 2013 but well underway for
the past years, the PAH focuses on strengthening the social support and
survival structures it has put into place and to put pressure on government and
banks via very concrete acts of recuperation. The PAH has taken to recuperating
empty buildings owned by banks – the very same banks undertaking 115 evictions
a day – to house people who have been evicted,<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>thus opening new spaces in neighbourhoods. As such, the movement has
managed to re-house some 634 people so far (July 2013). </span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">Video [es]: <a href="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rAO-9axsC28" target="_blank">PAH Terrassa rehouses 4 families </a></span></div>
</div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="color: black; margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><a href="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/-jyZrxo8DoOM/UffXMuAso_I/AAAAAAAAAEM/RpXr_EaB9vU/s1600/pah+obra+social+3.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="200" src="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/-jyZrxo8DoOM/UffXMuAso_I/AAAAAAAAAEM/RpXr_EaB9vU/s200/pah+obra+social+3.jpg" width="200" /></a></span><a href="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-tsaiOzdeR7k/UffXOsvY5sI/AAAAAAAAAEU/Nvb4jSEJ1aA/s1600/PAH+obra+social+casa+catalunya.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="color: black;"><img border="0" height="200" src="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-tsaiOzdeR7k/UffXOsvY5sI/AAAAAAAAAEU/Nvb4jSEJ1aA/s200/PAH+obra+social+casa+catalunya.jpg" width="150" /></span></a></span></div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">The movement is launching these recuperations as legitimate acts in the
face of an injust system, rather than as occupations, and is demanding social
rent there. The reclaimed houses are sites of further community work and
organizing, key resources for the movement and locality, and a strong and
visible campaign targeting those who so far only benefited from the misery they
produced: the banks. Reinvigorating empty buildings and neighbourhoods is only
one aspect of this work, which has huge potentials for expansion and takes the
PAH’s work of mutual support and campaigning one step further. The campaign
around the Obra Social de la PAH has produced a <a href="http://issuu.com/lapah/docs/manual_obra_social_web__baixa_?workerAddress=ec2-54-227-78-109.compute-1.amazonaws.com" target="_blank">civil-disobedience guidebook</a>
for reclaiming empty houses from financial entities<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#_edn20" name="_ednref20" style="mso-endnote-id: edn20;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US">[xx]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>,
encouraging this tactic to be taken up by anyone.</span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Times;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;"><br /></span></div>
</div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;">
<a href="http://3.bp.blogspot.com/-YMZX0fU-h84/UffeBiUQbhI/AAAAAAAAAGc/Sn4MJbEyG24/s1600/Screen+shot+2013-07-18+at+17.10.52.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><img border="0" height="200" src="http://3.bp.blogspot.com/-YMZX0fU-h84/UffeBiUQbhI/AAAAAAAAAGc/Sn4MJbEyG24/s320/Screen+shot+2013-07-18+at+17.10.52.png" width="320" /></span></a></div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 115%;">Video [es/eng]:<a href="http://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=TkrM-zBGjBQ" target="_blank"> Contextualising the Obra Social within the PAH's work</a></span></div>
</div>
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<h3 style="text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 115%;"><b>ORGANIZATIONAL AND EVERYDAY WORKINGS</b></span></h3>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">The horizontal, local and networked character of this movement is its
strength, linking up struggles and resources pertaining to specific areas
whilst encouraging the work to stay local: donations, for instance, are
suggested to go to local nodes, and each of these nodes function as autonomous
organizational and communicational platforms. There are 170 local PAH nodes
across the Spanish state, each of which serves as unique site for support and
political-organizational experimentation.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;"><br /></span></div>
</div>
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</div>
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<a href="http://3.bp.blogspot.com/-CAaVlzpH5AI/UffYpXGMUkI/AAAAAAAAAEo/e50qOWJ1rUQ/s1600/PAH+BCN+calendar.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><img border="0" height="128" src="http://3.bp.blogspot.com/-CAaVlzpH5AI/UffYpXGMUkI/AAAAAAAAAEo/e50qOWJ1rUQ/s200/PAH+BCN+calendar.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">The assemblies work in various ways, some are for legal information,
some for organizing, etc – many assemblies now are based around those affected
by specific banks (see calendar Madrid). They are indoor and outdoor gatherings
of different sizes, at regular intervals, usually once a week in each locality.</span></div>
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 18px;"><br /></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 115%;"></span><br />
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 115%;">As the newspaper El Pais puts it in a blog about micropolitics, trust and social movements: </span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 115%;">
</span><br />
<div style="line-height: 115%; text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Times;"><br /></span>
</span></div>
<blockquote class="tr_bq" style="line-height: 115%;">
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">Social movements, like the PAH, have based their political commitment in the personal and civic commitment of their activists. This nexus of solidarity-consciousness-politics has been nourished by the real proximity which in each of the more than 600 avoided evictions have come with episodes of profound social sensitivity. This commitment is not ideological, it is based in live and conviviality [vivencial], and this is where one of the keys of the legitimacy and credibility of the representational strategies [of the PAH] lies. It can only represent those that are near, where they need to be and when they need to be there. [...]</span> </span></div>
</blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq" style="line-height: 115%;">
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">These social movements speak in clear, strong and direct ways. Their language isn't reconciliatory or compliant. Conscious of the moral strength of their arguments - and now also of their legal solidity, via the ruling of the European Court - these movements don't seek to please, nor do they speculate. They speak clearly because they do so in a straightforward and accessible way. The choral narration of many of their campaigns has an impact due to the efficacy of those that speak: those who are themselves affected. They have the capacity to raise emotion and consciousness at the same time, with a clear and direct discourse. This politics of clarity flies in the face of the incomprehensible language of formal politics. [El Pais, 17th March 2013, A. Guiterrez-Rubi, <a href="http://blogs.elpais.com/micropolitica/2013/03/ocho-claves-de-la-confianza-pol%C3%ADtica-.html" target="_blank">Ocho claves de la confianza politica.</a>]</span></div>
</blockquote>
<div style="line-height: 115%; text-align: left;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">One may add that at this point in Spain it is not just that the political discourses of the governing parties are imcomprehensible, but also that they are seen as plainly hypocritical, untruthful and corrupt. 'The crisis is a con' was a main slogan of the 15M movement that keeps echoing in Spain, and movements like the PAH address this corruption and con-politics in straightforward ways. Speaking for oneself is a key aspect here, as is speaking together and in strong solidarity: these double articulations of situated and networked politics is evidenced in the various platforms the PAH operates across.</span></div>
<div style="line-height: 115%; text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 115%; text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 115%;">There are hundreds of websites, facebook and twitter accounts, email addresses and phone contacts for local PAHs across Spain. Each has their own design, method and language, linking in with state-wide campaigns but also featuring locally specific ones. Below are some screenshots of the overall list of local PAH nodes, as well as of a few local PAH websites, to just give you an idea of the multiplicity of aesthetics, approaches and situations.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="color: black; margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><a href="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/-tWdxoicf6ho/UffczelurQI/AAAAAAAAAFc/57Va5Kr8iRc/s1600/PAH+Madrid+web.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="124" src="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/-tWdxoicf6ho/UffczelurQI/AAAAAAAAAFc/57Va5Kr8iRc/s200/PAH+Madrid+web.png" width="200" /></a></span><a href="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-aQBJ_vYfOGU/UffcyyNFxEI/AAAAAAAAAFY/UVJsFlv5cnQ/s1600/PAH+Malaga+web.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="124" src="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-aQBJ_vYfOGU/UffcyyNFxEI/AAAAAAAAAFY/UVJsFlv5cnQ/s200/PAH+Malaga+web.png" width="200" /></a><a href="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-0sBIRwxs2UU/Uffcz-7otOI/AAAAAAAAAGE/HHcT3XDCigM/s1600/PAH+do+Morrazo+web.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="118" src="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-0sBIRwxs2UU/Uffcz-7otOI/AAAAAAAAAGE/HHcT3XDCigM/s200/PAH+do+Morrazo+web.png" width="200" /></a><a href="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-eF8RcGKX8EM/UffczbmKyLI/AAAAAAAAAFk/OuqmqhQLZiQ/s1600/PAH+SierraNorte+web.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="129" src="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-eF8RcGKX8EM/UffczbmKyLI/AAAAAAAAAFk/OuqmqhQLZiQ/s200/PAH+SierraNorte+web.png" width="200" /></a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="color: black; margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><a href="http://3.bp.blogspot.com/-fUV2i2LrbPs/Uffcz446_YI/AAAAAAAAAFo/cGNnM1Y1W18/s1600/PAH+Zaragoza+web.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="123" src="http://3.bp.blogspot.com/-fUV2i2LrbPs/Uffcz446_YI/AAAAAAAAAFo/cGNnM1Y1W18/s200/PAH+Zaragoza+web.png" width="200" /></a></span><a href="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/-tKg-tn-h3JE/Uffc0qJuY_I/AAAAAAAAAGI/NursUoe_QjU/s1600/local+PAHs+list.png" imageanchor="1" style="line-height: 115%; margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="color: black;"><img border="0" height="127" src="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/-tKg-tn-h3JE/Uffc0qJuY_I/AAAAAAAAAGI/NursUoe_QjU/s200/local+PAHs+list.png" width="200" /></span></a></span></div>
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<a href="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-IXQo09QT-N0/Uffc0BnV6SI/AAAAAAAAAGA/8X0SKKAwoO4/s1600/PAH+local+contacts+madrid.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><img border="0" height="120" src="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-IXQo09QT-N0/Uffc0BnV6SI/AAAAAAAAAGA/8X0SKKAwoO4/s200/PAH+local+contacts+madrid.png" width="200" /></span></a></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;"><b>ESCRACHE
CAMPAIGNS<o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">In early 2013,
in order to render visible who would vote ‘yes’ and who would vote ‘no’ to
their popular legislative amendment in the Congress, the PAH adopted another
strategy for calling attention to the injustice done through the system of
mortgage law, corrupt financial speculation and popular repression: the model
of the ‘escrache’. Escraches are popular gatherings in front of the workplaces
or dwellings of specific persons who hold responsibilities for certain actions.
It has been much used during and after the dictatorship in Argentina, calling
for the persecution of people involved in genocidal policies who still run
free. In the case of the PAH, it was in front of the houses of MPs who were not
going to vote in favour of the popular amendment that protests took place:
gatherings of a dozen to hundred people equipped with the PAH’s logos, chanting
the slogan ‘Si se puede’ that has become the movement’s refrain. ‘Yes we can’
refers to the possibility of changing the law, improving the situation of
thousands of people, of creating better access to housing and saving the lives
of those despairing over their situations of eviction and homelessness.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<a href="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-8QQTzXPyFcg/UffaTN3d3uI/AAAAAAAAAE4/GU-yzP7OopM/s1600/vidas-en-juego-si-se-puede.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><img border="0" height="226" src="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-8QQTzXPyFcg/UffaTN3d3uI/AAAAAAAAAE4/GU-yzP7OopM/s320/vidas-en-juego-si-se-puede.jpg" width="320" /></span></a></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">Video [es]: <a href="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-H0IvQQzPzU#at=92" target="_blank">Escrache to the Conservative Party Headquarters in Barcelona</a>, April 2013<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="line-height: 115%;">Video [es] : </span><a href="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8xfJYSxGCJs#at=99" style="line-height: 115%;" target="_blank">Escracheto Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy, May 2013</a></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">As the
legislative initiative had such widespread support, not even conservative MPs
quite dared to speak in favour of the current mortgage system anymore. Finding
themselves cornered, they attacked the Escrache campaign as intimidating and
terrorist, accusing the PAH movement of violence – a clear signal for the
scarcity of arguments available to the Conservative Party at that point, since
the Escraches were purely auditory and visual means, based in pointing out
culprits through graphic materials or banging pots and pans, never using
physical force. The government however prohibited escraches taking place closer
than 300m to politicians<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#_edn21" name="_ednref21" style="mso-endnote-id: edn21;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US">[xxi]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>,
in April 2013, a month of heated contestation.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Video [es]: <a href="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=v_nxEHgDmmY#at=121" target="_blank">Escrache a Jorge Moragas</a>, April 2013</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">For Videos from
each of the campaigns, see the PAH’s YouTube Page: <a href="http://www.youtube.com/user/afectadosxlahipoteca?feature=watch">http://www.youtube.com/user/afectadosxlahipoteca?feature=watch</a>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#_ednref1" name="_edn1" style="mso-endnote-id: edn1;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US">[i]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> </span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Times;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><a href="http://wiki.15m.cc/wiki/Plataforma_de_Afectados_por_la_Hipoteca">http://wiki.15m.cc/wiki/Plataforma_de_Afectados_por_la_Hipoteca</a>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#_ednref2" name="_edn2" style="mso-endnote-id: edn2;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US">[ii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Spanish_property_bubble">http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Spanish_property_bubble</a>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#_ednref3" name="_edn3" style="mso-endnote-id: edn3;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US">[iii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Spanish_property_bubble">http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Spanish_property_bubble</a>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#_ednref4" name="_edn4" style="mso-endnote-id: edn4;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US">[iv]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> <a href="http://www.ced.uab.es/publicacions/PapersPDF/Text218.pdf">http://www.ced.uab.es/publicacions/PapersPDF/Text218.pdf</a>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#_ednref5" name="_edn5" style="mso-endnote-id: edn5;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US">[v]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> <a href="http://elpais.com/elpais/2013/03/14/inenglish/1363264199_406548.html">http://elpais.com/elpais/2013/03/14/inenglish/1363264199_406548.html</a>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#_ednref6" name="_edn6" style="mso-endnote-id: edn6;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US">[vi]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2012/11/12/world/europe/spain-evictions-create-an-austerity-homeless-crisis.html?pagewanted=all&_r=0">http://www.nytimes.com/2012/11/12/world/europe/spain-evictions-create-an-austerity-homeless-crisis.html?pagewanted=all&_r=0</a>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#_ednref7" name="_edn7" style="mso-endnote-id: edn7;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US">[vii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> <a href="http://www.eldiario.es/desalambre/blog/pobreza-mendicidad-crisis-voluntariado-ONG_6_135846424.html">http://www.eldiario.es/desalambre/blog/pobreza-mendicidad-crisis-voluntariado-ONG_6_135846424.html</a>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#_ednref8" name="_edn8" style="mso-endnote-id: edn8;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="color: black; mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US">[viii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> See also <a href="http://belegal.com/articles/showArticle/spanish-mortgage-dacion-en-pago-handing-keys-bank"><span style="color: black;">http://belegal.com/articles/showArticle/spanish-mortgage-dacion-en-pago-handi</span>ng-keys-bank</a>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#_ednref9" name="_edn9" style="mso-endnote-id: edn9;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US">[ix]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> <a href="http://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iniciativa_legislativa_popular_en_Espa%C3%B1a">http://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iniciativa_legislativa_popular_en_Espa%C3%B1a</a>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#_ednref10" name="_edn10" style="mso-endnote-id: edn10;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US">[x]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> <a href="http://afectadosporlahipoteca.com/2013/02/09/la-ilp-para-la-dacion-en-pago-recoge-1-402-854-firmas-de-apoyo/">http://afectadosporlahipoteca.com/2013/02/09/la-ilp-para-la-dacion-en-pago-recoge-1-402-854-firmas-de-apoyo/</a>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#_ednref11" name="_edn11" style="mso-endnote-id: edn11;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US">[xi]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> You can listen to her interview in this radio show, partly
translated into English and German, at minute 24 of the show:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span>http://soundsofmovement.noblogs.org/post/2012/10/31/the-first-show-crisis-commons-and-movement-the-spanish-citizens-led-recovery-plan/</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#_ednref12" name="_edn12" style="mso-endnote-id: edn12;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US">[xii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> <a href="http://politica.elpais.com/politica/2013/02/16/actualidad/1361053281_008924.html">http://politica.elpais.com/politica/2013/02/16/actualidad/1361053281_008924.html</a>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#_ednref13" name="_edn13" style="mso-endnote-id: edn13;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US">[xiii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> <a href="http://politica.elpais.com/politica/2013/05/08/actualidad/1368014462_671668.html">http://politica.elpais.com/politica/2013/05/08/actualidad/1368014462_671668.html</a>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#_ednref14" name="_edn14" style="mso-endnote-id: edn14;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US">[xiv]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> <a href="http://afectadosporlahipoteca.com/2013/04/18/grupo-promotor-exigimos-nuestra-ilp/">http://afectadosporlahipoteca.com/2013/04/18/grupo-promotor-exigimos-nuestra-ilp/</a>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#_ednref16" name="_edn16" style="mso-endnote-id: edn16;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US">[xvi]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Ada Colau at the European Parliament <a href="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qfTn9ilsf4k#at=791">http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qfTn9ilsf4k#at=791</a>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#_ednref17" name="_edn17" style="mso-endnote-id: edn17;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US">[xvii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> See <a href="http://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Desahucios_en_Espa%C3%B1a_durante_la_crisis_econ%C3%B3mica#Relaci.C3.B3n_de_suicidios_publicados_por_la_prensa">http://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Desahucios_en_Espa%C3%B1a_durante_la_crisis_econ%C3%B3mica#Relaci.C3.B3n_de_suicidios_publicados_por_la_prensa</a>
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adminhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12981338591965987512noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8132093035373861176.post-45649249520730483742013-07-18T06:46:00.000-07:002014-03-26T03:56:05.619-07:00Organising mutual forms of legal support: in the street, at the police station and in court<i>Some examples from London and the US</i><br />
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The police, the courts and prison clearly play a crucial role in controlling and repressing working class and migrant communities. During the student movement in the UK in 2010 for example individuals taking part in demonstrations against the tripling of tuition fees (from £3000/year to £9000/year) and the scrapping of the Education Maintenance Allowance were subject to aggressive public order policing designed to intimidate people, create divisions in the movement and criminalizise protest. Pretty much everybody going on demonstrations was observed and filmed, stopped and searched, contained (‘kettled’) for hours in freezing temperatures without access to toilets and water, and many were assaulted by the police with batons and shields. Many people were arrested and charged with often very serious charges (eg 'violent disorder’). While in many cases these charges ended up not sticking in the courts simply being charged and having to deal with the court system is a terrifying experience for most. It is also a very useful way to keep activists busy over long periods of time and stop them from doing work. <br />
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But this type of policing is also found in more everyday situations of working class and migrant areas, on and around council estates (social housing) and public spaces. The police surveil communities, harass particularly young people on a daily basis by stopping and searching them on their way home or to school, and keep people off the streets and out of public areas by criminalizing their mere presence. During the Olympic Games in London in 2012 for example, public places in the neighbourhood where the main Olympic sites are, which is one of the poorest areas in London, were transformed into so-called 'dispersal order zones'. The police could stop people from hanging out in these spaces by ordering them to leave the area and to arrest and charge them with a conviction potentially leading to a maximum penalty of three months' imprisonment and/or a fine of £5000 [1] in case they didn't follow the order. <br />
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In the face of this activists and their allies (movement lawyers) have developed collective practices to empower movements and communities, hold police accountable and to take care of and support individuals wrapped up in the court and prison system. <br />
<b><br /><u>Community legal observing</u></b><br />
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Community legal observing involves monitoring police behaviour and interaction with members of the public in communities. Perhaps the most well-known community legal observing programme was set up by the Black Panther Party for Self Defense (Black Liberation movement, US late 60s early 70s). The Black Panthers sought to protect the black community from and defend it against the racist state and its police force that brutalized and terrorised the community on a daily basis. They set up community patrols who walked the streets and watched the police. They knew that it was legal to do so from a certain distance and did so in an organised, confident manner. The Panthers famously visibly carried guns, which was legal at the time, which certainly helped them in creating the image of a powerful, rather than a submissive and fearful, community.<br />
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In the face of this activists and their allies (movement lawyers) have developed collective practices to empower movements and communities, hold police accountable and to take care of and support individuals wrapped up in the court and prison system. <br />
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<i>Newham Monitoring Project</i> (1980-ongoing, example of Olympics 2012) <br />
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Grassroots community organisation in East London that helps the community fight racism, discrimination and injustice. One particular project NMP ran was legal observing in the community during the Olympic Games in 2012. In the years leading up to the Olympic Games the neighbourhood had undergone massive redevelopment programmes which had displaced local community and during the Olympic Games itself the police imposed particular conditions on the public spaces of Stratford. Public squares where locals and particularly young people hang out were turned into 'Dispersal Order Zones’ - meaning the police could disperse people gathering there and order them not to return to the place for a certain period. So additionally to losing public and affordable space due to the gentrification process and to loosing facilities due to cuts to public spending, this kind of social sorting and controlling of public space was introduced, which was clearly linked to creating and protecting a 'cleaned up' neighbourhood. Working class people and youngsters out of sight of the tourists going to the Olympic sites. The police also intensified stop and searches in the area. In response to this Newham Monitoring Project launched a community legal observer programme. They trained members of the community in legal observing and set up a rota of legal observer teams who would patrol the area to monitor police interaction with the community, speak to locals to inform them about the issues, hand out Know Your Rights cards, and to find out from people what their experiences of policing were. Not surprisingly many young people reported that they were being stopped and searched on a daily basis, that they felt like they were being harassed and treated like criminals, etc. The response to the legal observer programme was very positive. The reaction by the police towards legal observers varied.<br />
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Similar initiatives were set up in the light of increasing stop and searches of working class neighbourhoods/areas to train local youth in legal observing and organising themselves. The reality that many young people describe is that when police search them they are in no position to challenge this individually. If they demand the officer to explain to them why they are being searched (giving this information is a legal requirement), or resist in any other way they risk being injured or arrested. So the idea, again, of these initiatives is to collectivize the resistance and make it visible and public. <br />
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<i>Anti-Raids Network</i> (2011-ongoing)<br />
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“London-wide network formed of London-based groups, including the Latin American Workers’ Association (LAWAS), No Borders London, Precarious Workers Brigade, The Prisma, Stop Deportation, South London SolFed, People’s Republic of Southwark, and unaffiliated individuals – with and without papers. We are ordinary people resisting and challenging immigration checks and raids through principles of solidarity and mutual aid. The constant use of street-based immigration checks on suspected foreigners; of brutal dawn raids on the homes of asylum seeker families; and of UK Border Agency purges of takeaways, factories and car washes staffed with a multi-ethnic workforce: all serve to spread the fear that keeps undocumented people underground. As we write in July 2012, anecdotal evidence suggests street-based immigration checks are on the rise. Legally, the UK Border Agency and police can only stop and question individuals about their immigration status on the basis of reasonable suspicion, yet they rely largely on racial profiling. Although this is blatantly unlawful, these practices have ultimately led to the arrest and deportation of many undocumented migrants.” [2]<br />
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The network does call-outs for community legal observers whenever a raid is reported and has organised workshops in community centers that use Augusto Boal’s Theatre of the Oppressed to role play typical scenarios and possible acts of individual and communal resistance in them. The workshops have proven to be important in building confidence, informing individuals of their rights, practicing how this could be put into action, and in helping those not directly affected in thinking through ways of being in solidarity in concrete situations. <br />
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<i>The legal Observer role on protests</i><br />
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Similar to community legal observers, legal observers on protests witness the behaviour of the police and act as a deterrent. In the US legal observers are provided by the National Lawyers Guild and are trained lawyers, lawyers in training or legal workers. The Legal Observer program "was established in 1968 in New York City in response to protests at Columbia University and city-wide antiwar and civil rights demonstrations. That same year, Guild students organized for the defense of people swept up in mass arrests at the Democratic National Convention in Chicago.”[3]. In other places legal observers are ordinary people who are skilled up by grassroots legal support groups. There are various such groups who have produced documents on the role of the legal observer and how to set up legal support groups, for example the Activists' Legal Project, Green and Black Cross, LDGM in the UK. These documents are updated and re-issued to be of relevance for the context and form the basis for Legal Observer workshops for activists before demonstrations or actions.<br />
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Legal Observing</td></tr>
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On demonstrations legal observers gather evidence on specific instances of police mis/behaviour, or find others who may have witnessed incidences. Legal observer or bystanders' statements can be used in court as witness statements for the defense or in civil cases against the police. <br />
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<u><b>Legal Advise</b></u><br />
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Apart from seasoned activists, most individuals attending demonstrations and actions are unfamiliar with the law and protest. Some of the most commonly used sections of public order law are explained to people by legal support groups in 'Know Your Rights' briefings prior to demonstrations, and on 'bust cards' that are handed out by legal observers on the ground. Knowing the law can empower people. Police behaviour and orders can be challenged by activists on the ground. Again, there are limitations to using the law, as mentioned above.<br />
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Legal Observers are there to witness arrests and try to make sure that detainees have a bust-card with the basic legal advise and numbers of law firms and the support group on them. It is not uncommon that legal observers are able to get to individuals even if they have already been detained behind police lines or at least are able to communicate with them by shouting. Where legal observers are not present to witness arrests themselves they gather information on arrests from bystanders, so that arrestees don't drop off the radar and everyone is accounted for, and so that medical and legal support can be sent to them. <br />
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<u><b>Police station support </b></u><br />
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Police station support consists of volunteers meeting arrestees at the police station they are held at. Volunteers show solidarity with arrestees and give emotional support after what for most people is a traumatising and brutal experience. Arrestees often report of sexist or racist verbal abuse or generally intimidating behaviour by officers. Often police station supporters bring food, cash for the journey home or go for a coffee with arrestees. Police station volunteers also give arrestees information on what happens next. Not all arrestees are in a state of mind to process information and many are weary as to who these volunteers are. With this in mind volunteers make sure that arrestees know where to find information or who to contact in case they have questions or want support at a later point. Some legal support groups run 24/7 hotlines that people can call or set up defendants meetings.<br />
Volunteers also talk to solicitors to get information on what happens next, when the first court date is, what the charge is etc to be able to support people through the process. <br />
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<u><b>Court Support</b></u><br />
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Court support involves monitoring cases and emotional support for defendants and families. A case may take over a year to be resolved, and many defendants experience depression and anxiety because they have to live with the uncertainty of the result. Volunteers are organised to attend court on the day of a hearing/trial, offer information, support and monitor the development of the case. The experience of attending court often also has a politicising effect on volunteers. <br />
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<i>Defendants meetings:</i> putting defendants in touch with each other to build a support group. Creating a community against the individualised, isolating and traumatizing experience of state repression, the boredom of the experience in the courts, the alienating legal language and court room theatre. Defendants have found it useful to sit in on each others trials, as it prepares them for their own trial, shows solidarity, and to exchange messages of hope, frustration and gratitude with each other (in person, at meetings, via mailing list). The collective reflections on the experiences are also moments of politicisation and the development of analysis. <br />
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Clark Stoeckley “The United States vs PFC Bradley Manning - a graphic novel”</td></tr>
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<i>Legal defense:</i> Recommending sympathetic lawyers with experience of civil liberties and public order law to achieve good results in the courts. Notes from trials are passed on to lawyers handling similar cases. In theory solicitors can obtain court transcripts, but lawyers gain less and less fees to prepare for trial so are more unlikely to do so. In the US, the National Lawyers Guild has organised "legal research assistance for attorneys with Occupy Wall Street cases, matching attorneys in need of assistance with law students, law graduates, legal workers, and lawyers eager to contribute to the mass defense effort. Some of the topics researched include the legality of the occupation presence in Liberty Park, the right of arrestees to refuse non-mandatory iris scans at arraignment, and legal arguments to resist the district attorney’s subpoena of a defendant’s Twitter account. Additionally, we’ve organized trial preparation teams dedicated to the large mass arrest cases stemming from actions in Union Square, the Brooklyn Bridge, Times Square, and Liberty Park on eviction day." [4]<br />
Defense funds: help mobilize solidarity and fundraise to help cover legal fees. <br />
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<u><b>Prison support</b></u><br />
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Groups like ABC and Defend the Right to Protest have set up prison support, which often includes providing practical information on the prison system to individuals, their partners and families and communicating with people in custody through letter writing projects. They often also organise solidarity actions like noise protests outside of prisons and forms of group support for people, eg groups waiting outside of prisons when individuals are released, or support groups for those recently released. <br />
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<u><b>Campaigning</b></u><i> </i><br />
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<i><i>- Campaigns around trials </i></i>eg Black Panther Party organised
rallies outside court houses, mobilising the black community to come out
in support, to make public the political nature of the trials. In the
UK recently Defend the Right to Protest organised rallies in support of
student protesters outside court houses to bring to light the excessive
policing and criminalization of protestors. Another recent example is
the campaign by environmental activists No Dash for Gas. They had
occupied a power station and were taken to court by the energy
corporation. The campaign set up around the case brought massive
publicity to the practices of the corporation, the way the corporation
goes after those questioning and disrupting their practices and fostered
public support for the activists, boycotts of the corporation and
criticism of the government programme the corporation had benefited
from.<i> </i><br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/-clTgoGTLJrY/Ueex3_clSlI/AAAAAAAAADM/wxCzanITC4o/s1600/PA-12240478-1.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/-clTgoGTLJrY/Ueex3_clSlI/AAAAAAAAADM/wxCzanITC4o/s320/PA-12240478-1.jpg" height="208" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Free Huey rally, Almeida Court House, Oakland, 1968</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
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<a href="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-gafGTA7JznM/Uee0pX-iiWI/AAAAAAAAADc/w4sCXrlBOW8/s1600/try_police-1.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-gafGTA7JznM/Uee0pX-iiWI/AAAAAAAAADc/w4sCXrlBOW8/s320/try_police-1.jpg" height="235" width="320" /></a></div>
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<br />
<i>- Legal Challenges</i><br />
Some campaign groups attempt to challenge public order policing in the courts. The practice of 'kettling' (where large crowds are held in an area for lengthy periods without being allowed to leave, which has been criticised as a form of collective punishment), and the attempt by police to gain the personal details of those held in the kettle for example have been challenged in the courts up to EU level. The latter, which was challenged by a legal observer, has just now been successfully ruled to be unlawful.[5] <br />
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<u><b>References</b></u><br />
<br />
[1] http://www.nmp.org.uk/2012/05/police-announce-olympic-dispersal-zone.html<br />
[2] https://network23.org/antiraids/<br />
[3] http://www.nlg.org/legal-observer%C2%AE-program<br />
[4] Guild Notes, Spring 2012, p4. http://www.nlg.org/resource/guild-notes/spring-2012<br />
[5] http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2013/jun/18/police-unlawful-cuts-protest-kettling<br />
<br />
<u><b>Websites of Legal Support Groups</b></u><br />
<br />
LDMG (UK): http://ldmg.org.uk/<br />
GBC (UK): http://greenandblackcross.org/<br />
Activists’s Legal Project (UK): http://activistslegalproject.org.uk/<br />
National Lawyers Guild (US): http://www.nlg.org/<br />
Anarchist Black Cross (UK): https://network23.org/londonabc/adminhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12981338591965987512noreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8132093035373861176.post-12824699835511289542013-06-04T09:27:00.001-07:002013-09-18T08:27:20.061-07:00Territorio Doméstico: tools for organizing and collective/self- care<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">[EN] This entry presents translated materials from
the group Territorio Domestico, a collective of domestic workers (most of them migrants) active in Madrid. They shared a presentation of their work with us in
April 2013, as well as doing a workshop in which we explored their <a href="https://archive.org/details/TerritorioDomesticoACapella" target="_blank">tools</a> for organizing, mutual support and collective care. Amazing stuff, a great time. Below are bits of their working materials translated into German and English, as well
as audio recordings and videos - hopefully they can be useful for your
organizing practice!</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">[DE] <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Dieser Eintrag beinhaltet uebersetzte
Materialien der Gruppe Territorio Domestico, einem in Madrid arbeitenden
Kollektiv von Haushaltsangestellten dass sich grossteils aus migrantischen
Frauen zusammensetzt. Territorio Domestico haben im April 2013 bei uns ihre
Arbeit praesentiert und auch einen workshop gemacht, in dem wir ihre Werzeuge
zur Selbstorganisierung, gemeinsamen Fuersorge und Unterstuetzung kennengelernt
haben. Mehr Infos zu diesen Tagen findet sich im untenstehenden Link. Hier
findet ihr also ausgesuchte Materialien, die wir vom Spanischen ins Deutsche und
Englische uebersetzt haben, wie auch Ton- und Videoaufzeichnungen. Das Material
kann für vielerlei Organisierungspraxis nützlich sein!<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">[ES] <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span><o:p></o:p><span style="background-color: white; color: #333333; line-height: 17px;">Ahí va una compilación de materiales traducidos del grupo Territorio Domestico, un colectivo de mujeres en su mayoria migrantes que trabajan como empleadas domésticas en Madrid. El grupo estuvo en Viena en Abril 2013 presentándonos su trabajo y haciendo un taller presentando sus herramientas de autoorganización, cuidado colectivo y apoyo mutuo. Más información sobre esos días está en el enlace inferior. Aquí encontrarás materiales selecionados traducidos al inglés, alemán y también en su versión original en español. Esperamos que sirvan de inspiración para otros procesos de organización y lucha!"</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><a href="http://cafe.prekaer.at/precare-welten-1-territorio-domestico/" target="_blank">More info</a> on the presentation and workshop of April 2013.<span style="font-size: x-small;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">[Materials in ENGLISH]</span></h2>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">ABOUT TERRITORIO DOMESTICO</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Territorio
Doméstico is a space of encounter, relation, care and struggle for women and
their rights, especially as migrants. The demand for the recognition of the
rights of domestic workers is our point of departure, as well as the
devalorization of this labour in a system that degrades care and personal
assistance and makes it invisible and precarious – because care is vital for
the sustaining of our societies! Hence our slogan: BECAUSE WITHOUT US, THE
WORLD WOULDN’T BE MOVING and the image of a woman spurring a large and complex
system of cogs. We are a space for the struggles and mutual support of women. A
space wherein relationships, listening to each other’s realities and the care
for the self as well as for others are very important.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">>>>
Advice for powerful domestic workers</span></b></h3>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">1. What we do is worth a lot. Don’t forget
that and don’t let others forget it. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">2. We give each other information and
support, especially in bad times. Those who are in the same situation as us
have a lot of knowledge - and also strategies. You can also get free
information via support facilities, NGOs, radios and so forth.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<a name='more'></a><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">3. We won’t let them scare us. We merit just
as much respect ourselves as we owe to our employers. We have to be strong and
solid in our demands for rights. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">4. Ask for spaces and times of your own. You
have a right to your own room, breaks, meal times and medical visits. Negotiate
them. It’s important that you look after your body, mind and spirits – these
are not just your means for work but also your life! <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">5. Make sure that your tasks are very
clearly defined right from the start, and also confirm their times, payment,
payment modalities, your vacation, the number of people you look after, etc.
Don’t hesitate to ask in order to find out what is needed. There should be
clarity in your relations. If the situation changes later on (a family member
gets ill and you’re asked to look after them, or a baby is born, or the family
gets a pet, etc.), then you should always try to renegotiate your conditions.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">6. It’s important to feel strong when you’re
negotiating. You can use/bring the things that make you feel strong and
dignified (a specific dress, the accompaniment of another person, bringing
information with you…).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">7. If you’re working as 24-hour internal
domestic employee, make sure they never pay you less than 700€. Never work for
300, 400 or 500, that’s a sham. Make sure your salary is as high as possible,
especially if you´re doing complicated work, if it requires special knowledge
or physical strain.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">8. Think twice before you take on new kinds
of work and new tasks. Things you do in a moment of goodwill may come to be
expected of you later on. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">9. The household in which you work is not
the only possible one: there are others that also need you. If you don’t like
your workplace, ask your friends about opportunities or find out about job
possibilities in advice centres, sign up on job platforms and in offices. You
can always find other work.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">10. Sorting out papers for you, when you are
meeting the conditions to get them, is not a favour but an obligation of your
employer. Once you can prove that you’ve been living in Spain for 3 years, you
can ask your employer to do that.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">11. A good boss is one that values your work
and pays you fairly, not one that treats you like a friend.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">12. Be careful when it comes to talking
about your personal life. If you have problems with your employer in the
future, thay can use this information against you.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">13. If you’re being sexually harassed, don’t
allow that to go on, look for help. Even if you don’t have papers, you have a
right to protection. Get information in a woman’s association.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">14. You don’t need papers nor a full time
job in order to report abuse. Keep proofs that document the working
relationship from the beginning: photos with the family, hand-written receipts
you get when they pay you, receipt sheets of wages if you’re being paid via the
bank, letters received in the house you work in, witnesses, and if you’re
working 24-hours, then registry in the electoral roll. Get help and make sure
you always report in court, never at a police station.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">15. Don’t get important documents sent to
your work address. In case the relationship with your employer deteriorates,
you can thus avoid being blackmailed.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">16. Get together with others to create forms
of mutual support, invite others to join your group. For our part we meet every
second Sunday of the month, from 5pm, in Calle Embajadores 52 in Madrid. We’d
love to see you there.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Source: <a href="http://www.ferrocarrilclandestino.net/spip.php?article160%E2%80%8E" target="_blank">Dossier de textos de las jornadas
‘Alternativas sociales y sindicales ante <o:p></o:p></a></span></i></div>
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<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.ferrocarrilclandestino.net/spip.php?article160%E2%80%8E" target="_blank">la crisis’.</a> CGT – Ferrocarril
Clandestino. Online Pdf.<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">>>>
For an <a href="http://www.commoner.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/22-schmitt.pdf" target="_blank"><b>English interview with somemembers of Territorio Domestico</b></a>, </span></h3>
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">speaking from the perspective of the
association <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">‘Servicio Domestico Activo’</b>
which came to compose Territorio Domestico also, see the excellent Commoner
Journal issue of winter 2012.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">[DEUTSCH]</span></h2>
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<b><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Über Territorio Doméstico</span></b></h3>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Territorio
Doméstico ist ein Raum der Begegnung, Beziehung, Für/Sorge und des Kämpfens von
Frauen für ihre Rechte, großteils als Migrantinnen. Die Forderung nach der
Anerkennung der Rechte von Haushaltsangestellten ist unser Ausgangspunkt, ebeno
wie die Wertschätzung dieser Arbeit in einem System, dass die Fürsorge und
Pflege herabstuft, unsichtbar und prekär macht – denn Care ist unumgänglich für
die Erhaltung aller unserer Gesellschaften. Daher unser Slogan ‘WEIL SICH OHNE
UNS DIE WELT NICHT BEWEGT’ und unser Logo, auf dem eine Frau zu sehen ist, die
ein komplexes Radwerk ankurbelt. Wir sind ein Raum für Kämpfe und
gegenseitige Bestärkung von Frauen. Ein Raum in dem die Beziehung, das Zuhören
in Bezug auf unsere verschiedenen Realitäten, die Sorge um sich Selbst und die
gegenseitige Sorge sehr wichtig sind.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<h3>
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">>>>
Ratschläge fuer starke Hausangestellte</span></b></h3>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">1. Was wir tun ist sehr viel wert. Vergiss
das nicht und lass es die anderen nicht vergessen.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">2. Wir geben einander Information und
Unterstuetzung, vor allem in schlechten Zeiten. Die, die in der selben
Situation sind wie wir, wissen viel und haben Strategien. Du kannst auch gratis
Information ueber Beratungszentren, Vereine, Radios usw. bekommen.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">3. Wir lassen nicht zu, dass man uns Angst
macht. Genausoviel Respekt wie unsere ArbeitgeberInnen verlangen, haben auch
wir verdient. Wir müssen stark und dezidiert bleiben, wenn wir unsere Rechte
verteidigen.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">4. Fordere Raum und Zeit fuer dich selbst
ein. Du hast Recht auf dein eigenes Zimmer, deine Auszeiten, deine Essenszeiten
und Arztbesuche. Handle sie aus. Es ist wichtig, dass du auf deinen Koerper,
deinen Geist und deine Seele schaust - sie sind nicht nur deine Arbeitsmittel
sondern auch dein Leben!<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">5. Mach von Anfang an klar aus, welche
Aufgaben dich betreffen, sowie auch ihre genauen Zeiten, wieviel und wie sie
bezahlt werden, dein Urlaub, die Anzahl von Leuten um die du dich kümmern wirst
usw. Zögere nicht, nachzufragen, um herauszufinden was es alles braucht. Es
soll Klarheit in der Beziehung bestehen. Wenn sich die Situation spaeter einmal
ändert (jemand in der Familie wird krank und man bittet dich, dich um diese
Person zu kuemmern, oder ein Baby kommt, oder die Familie besorgt sich ein
Haustier, usw.), versuche immer die Konditionen der neuen Umstände
auszuhandeln.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">6. Es ist wichtig dass du dich stark fuehlst
wenn du verhandelst. Du kannst dazu Elemente verwenden, die dir ein Gefuehl der
Staerke und Wuerde geben (eine spezifische Kleidung, die Begleitung einer
anderen Person, Information mitbringen…).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">7. Wenn du als 24h-Hilfe arbeitest, lass
niemals zu dass sie dir weniger als 700€ bezahlen. Arbeite nie fuer 300, 400
oder 500, das ist Betrug. Schau dass dein Lohn so hoch wie moeglich ist,
besonders wenn die Arbeit kompliziert ist und besonderes Wissen oder besondere
physische Anstrengungen verlangt.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">8. Bevor du neue Arbeitsformen und Aufgaben
annimmst, ueberlegs dir zweimal.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Was du in einem Moment des Gutwillens
machst, kann nachher zu etwas werden das man von dir erwartet.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">9. Das Haus in dem du arbeitest ist nicht
das einzige: es gibt noch andere, die dich brauchen können. Wenn dir dein
Arbeitsplatz nicht gefaellt, frag deine Freundinnen oder in Vereinen nach
Angeboten, trag dich in Arbeitsaemter und -foren ein. Du kannst immer eine
andere Arbeit finden.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">10. Wenn du die Bedingungen dafuer
erfuellst, ist es kein Gefallen seitens deiner ArbeitgeberIn wenn sie dir
Papiere organisiert – es ist ihre Pflicht. Wenn du beweisen kannst, dass du
seit 3 Jahren in Spanien wohnst, kannst du deine ArbeitgeberInnen dazu
auffordern.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">11. Ein guter Chef bzw eine gute Chefin ist
die/der, der/die deine Arbeit schaetzt und dich fair bezahlt, nicht eine/r
die/der dich wie eine Freundin behandelt.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">12. Pass auf, wenn du über dein Privatleben
sprichst. Wenn es später zu Problemen mit deiner Arbeitgeberin kommen sollte,
kann diese Information gegen dich verwendet werden. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">13. Wenn du sexuell belästigt wirst, lass
das nicht zu und such dir Hilfe. Auch wenn du keine Papiere hast, hast du
trotzdem ein Recht auf Schutz. Hol in einem Frauenverein Infos ein.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">14. Du brauchst keine Papiere, um Missbrauch
anzuzeigen. Behalte dir Beweise auf, die dein Arbeitsverhaeltnis von Anfang an
dokumentieren: Fotos mit der Familie, handgeschriebene Rechnungen die man dir
gibt wenn man dich bar bezahlt, ausgedruckte Überweisungsbestätigungen falls
man dich per Bank bezahlt, Briefe die du an deinem Arbeitsplatz erhalten hast,
ZeugInnen, und falls du als 24h-Hilfe arbeitest dann auch deine Meldung im
Wahlverzeichnis. Hol dir Hilfe und schau, dass du immer ueber ein Gericht
Anzeige erstattest, nie in einem Kommissariat.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">15. Lass dir keine wichtigen Dokumente an
deinen Arbeitsplatz schicken. Sollte sich die Beziehung zu deinen Arbeitgebern
sich verschlechtern, so kannst du dann Erpressung vermeiden.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">16. Tu dich mit anderen zusammen und schafft
euch Formen der gegenseitigen Unterstuetzung, ladet mehr Leute dazu ein. Wir
zum Beispiel treffen uns jeden zweiten Sonntag im Mona tab 17h in der
Embajadores Strasse 52, in Madrid. Uns würde es sehr freuen wenn du
vorbeikommst.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Quelle: <a href="http://www.ferrocarrilclandestino.net/spip.php?article160%E2%80%8E" target="_blank">Dossier de textos de las jornadas
‘Alternativas sociales y sindicales ante <o:p></o:p></a></span></i></div>
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<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.ferrocarrilclandestino.net/spip.php?article160%E2%80%8E" target="_blank">la crisis’</a>. CGT – Ferrocarril
Clandestino. Online Pdf. <o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
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<h3>
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">>>> MODESCHAU von TERRITORIO DOMESTICO</span></b></h3>
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<i><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">//// Hier ein Video der Modeschau vom 8 Mai 2011 (spanisch) <o:p></o:p></span></i><br />
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><i><br /></i>
</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><iframe allowfullscreen='allowfullscreen' webkitallowfullscreen='webkitallowfullscreen' mozallowfullscreen='mozallowfullscreen' width='320' height='266' src='https://www.youtube.com/embed/MNjSTn6bDho?feature=player_embedded' frameborder='0'></iframe></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<i><b><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">//// Und hier ein adaptiertes Script der Modeschau!</span></b></i><br />
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><i>Seid alle herzlich Wilkommen bei der Modeschau von Territorio
Domestico. Wir danken euch für eure Teilnahme und auch für die Entschuldigungen
der Abwesenheit, wie zum Beispiel die der Königin Sofia (die gerade ein paar Auslandsproblemchen
hat) sowie auch der Prinzessin Doña Leticia und der Grossfürstin Alba, die den
Zug versäumt hat, aber sicher bald eintrifft.</i><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Vor
zwei Monaten war März, das Monat in dem der Tag der Hausangestellen ist, und
wir wollen das heute feiern, indem wir ihnen eine Modeschau von Territorio Domestico
präsentieren. Weil wir stehen Milan, London, Paris und New York nichts nach was
die Prekarisierung von Arbeit betrifft. Wir werden vor unseren Augen die
hartnäckigsten Modelle im Bereich der Hausarbeit aufmarschieren sehen, und dank
ihnen werden wir die vanguardistischsten Tendenzen einer Arbeit kennenlernen,
die im 21en Jahrhundert - trotzdem dass sie fürs Leben der Menschen essentiell
ist – noch immer als Form der Sklaverei gehandhabt wird.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Auch
in Wien, wo man sich so der Legalität und Sozialdemokratie erfreut, gibt es
Arbeitsformen, die in Sachen Unsichtbarkeit und Prekarität unuebertreffbar
sind. In so einer europäischen Haupstadt, durch die jährlich Millionen Touristen
und Tausende Diplomaten spazieren, die Mozarts, Freuds, Hanekes und Jelineks
hervorbringen kann, ganz zu schweigen von Kilometern und Aberkilometern
Radwegen – ja in einem derart fortschrittlichen Umfeld, meine Damen und Herren,
herrscht nach wie vor die Tendenz der Unsichtbarmachung, Prekarisierung, Sklaverei
und Stigmatisierung. Das heisst – die Tendenz, Frauen die Rechte abzusprechen.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Unsere
Trendforscherinnen haben in dieser Saison der 'Krise2013' zwei besonders starke
Trends entdeckt: externe Haushaltsangestellte und interne Haushaltsangestellte,
je mit ihren Nuancen, Mustern und Accessorien.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Nocheinmal
vielen Dank fuer ihre Teilnahme... und wenn sie am Puls der Mode bleiben
wollen, schauen sie hier besonders gut hin, der letzte Schrei in der Ausbeutung
von Frauen....<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Der Catwalk oeffnet sich!<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Hier unser erstes Modell...<o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><b>Modell der Hausangestellten ohne
Aufenthaltsgenehmigung</b>:
wir finden sie in der internen sowie externen Variante vor. Als Antwort auf
ihre minimalen Forderungen bekommt sie meistens mürbe Drohungen von ihrer Chefin,
betreffend der Ausliefung an die Frenmdenpolizei. Sie hat keinste Art des Vertrags
und wenn sie in der Früh Brot einkaufen geht, durchlebt sie eine durchaus
gefährliche Durchquerung. Sie hat sich viel Können und Wissen angeeignet, was
das vermeiden von Razzien und das Erkennen von Zivilpolizei betrifft. Sie zeigt
sich meistens schüchtern, bis sie andere Frauen trifft mit denen sie gemeinsam
rufen kann: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Papiere für alle, oder alle
ohne Papiere... Papiere für alle, oder alle ohne Papiere…<o:p></o:p></span></i><br />
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></i></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><b>Das OKTOPUS Modell der Haushaltsangestellten: </b>sie hat eine Ausbildung aus ihrem
Herkunftsland, ihre professionelle Karriere lief gut, aber eines Tages musste
sie migrieren und ihren Beruf aufgeben. Heute sehen wir sie eine Vielzahl an
Aufgaben erledigen: auf die Hunde im Haus schauen, den Kindern bei den
Hausaufgaben helfen, die Oma begleiten, einkaufen gehen, bügeln, kochen,
putzen...<o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><b>Modell “DU BIST MIR EWIG WAS SCHULDIG WEIL ICH DIR ZU
PAPIEREN VERHOLFEN HABE”:</b>
ihre Chefin nennt sich “gut” weil sie ihr Papiere und einen Vertrag beschafft
hat. Das bedeutet, dass unser Modell nichts verweigern kann: jedes Wochenende
ist sie mit den Kindern eingesperrt, und ausserdem muss sie mit den Chefs
reisen, die ganze Nacht aufbleiben wenn jemand krank ist, und auch die
Haushaltsangestellte machen wenn sie im Haus der Freunde ihrer Chefs ist, auch
deren Büros putzen wenn sie darum gebeten wird. Sie verdient 600€, muss aber
ihre Sozialversicherung selbst zahlen. Manchmal hat sie einen Tag frei, nur
kann sie sich den Tag nicht aussuchen, weil sie sich anpassen muss und flexibel
sein...Taeglich muss sie sich anhoeren:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Aber.... ich hab dir die
Aufenthaltsgenehmigung beschafft!! Sei nicht undankbar!!</i><br />
<br />
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Modell der im Haushalt verunglückten
Angestellten:</b> sie hat fünf lange Jahre bei der selben Familie gearbeitet.
Aber eines sonnigen Morgens putzte sie die Fenster im Dachgeschoss und fiel
samt der Leiter um. Sie kam ins Krankenhaus, ihr Fuss und ihr Arm trugen
schwere Folgen davon, und ihre Arbeitgeber entliessen sie. Jetzt ist sie bei
einer Freundin, ohne Arbeit, ohne Arbeitslosengeld und Sozialversicherung.<br />
<br />
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Modell der Hausangestellten 'du bist
Teil der Familie':</b> unser Modell arbeitet seit Jahren im selben Haushalt. Sie
kann nicht gehen wann sie will, sondern nur wenn man sie lässt. Die Kinder lieben
sie und sie weiss bis ins kleinste Detail wie der Haushalt, die Familie, die
Haustiere und die Grosseltern funktionieren. Aber normalerweise muss sie in der
Küche essen, in Uniform sein sogar wenn sie den Müll runtertragt oder mit den
Hunden hinausgeht. Weil sie 'wie ein Teil der Familie' ist fährt sie mit ihren
Chefs auf Urlaub, wo sich ihre Arbeit verdoppelt anstatt wie Ferien
auszufallen. Und wenn sie ihre Arbeit wechseln will, hoert sie immer und immer
wieder das gleiche 'wie kannst du uns das antun, wo du doch wie ein Teil der
Familie bist...die Kinder lieben dich, und neben allem was wir fuer dich getan
haben weisst du doch auch dass wir<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">…dich mit viel Herzlichkeit ausbeuten!!! <br />
<br />
</i><b>Modell der starken
Hausangestellten</b>: sie
musste viel durchmachen, aushalten und schlucken um zu Papieren zu kommen.
Jetzt arbeitet sie bei einer Chefin, die ihre Rechte respektiert und sie, wie
sie sagt, 'als Person behandelt'. Sie haben ein gerechtes Einkommen sowie
Urlaubszeiten ausgehandelt, ihre Sozialversicherung wird bezahlt und sie hat
ihren acht Stunden Tag, die Voraussetzung für ein eigenes Leben. Sie ist seit
vielen Jahren bei der selben Familie weil es ihr dort gut geht, und sie ist
Teil der Frauengruppe, wo sie andere zum kämpfen für die Rechte migrantischer
Frauen animiert.<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;"><o:p></o:p></span></i></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Es ist vorbei, es ist vorbei, vorbei ists mit der
Sklaverei!!</i><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><o:p></o:p></i></span><br />
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></i></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Modell
der transnationalen Hausangestellten</b>:
sie arbeitet in einem Haus, in dem sie sich in die zweite Mutter der drei Kinder
verwandelt hat, die sie füttert, umsorgt, unterstützt und um die sie sich
kümmert als wären es ihre eigenen Kinder. Vor einigen Monaten hat sie in ihrem
Herkunftsland eine kleine Familie zurückgelassen, die sie von ihrem jetztigen
Ort aus am Leben erhält. Dieser Tage verbringt sie lange Nachmittage im
Internetcafe, sie hat sich zur Expertin in Chat und sozialen Netzwerken
gemacht. Sie lebt zweigeteilt, gezeichnet von dem alltäglichen gleichzeitigen
'hier und dort'. (Ihre Kinder fragen die ganze Zeit nach ihr. Hört Sie sie aus
Ecuador 'Mama' schreien?)<span lang="DE" style="mso-ansi-language: DE;"><o:p></o:p></span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Und durch einen besonderen Produktionsaufwand
haben unsere Trend-jäger auch die Modelle der Arbeitgeberinnen aufgespuert, die
in dieser Saison immer staerker warden.<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><o:p></o:p></i></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Vampirisierender
Arbeitgeber:</b> er ist Führungskraft,
progressiv, vielseitig und solidarisch. Er sucht eine migrantische Frau die 24h
am Tag arbeitet, und fähig ist auf Kinder, Erwachsene sowie Haustiere zu
schauen. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><o:p></o:p></i></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Modell
der neokolonialen Arbeitgeberin:</b>
ethnischer Look, schwört auf Fairtrade Produkte, nennt sich 'nicht rassistisch'
und sehr 'offen' sowie auch mit 'sozialem Gewissen'. Wenn sie wen einstellt,
sind ihr asiatische Angestellte lieber weil die folgsam, gebildet und
sprachgewandt sind. <br />
<br />
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Die Ich-Ich Arbeitgeberin:</b> sie neigt
dazu, sich fuers Zentrum des Universums zu halten, die einzige Person der Dinge
passieren, sie beschwert sich über alles, ist total fertig weil sie diesen
Sommer nicht nach Cancun fahren kann, und weil sie ihr die Goldene Visakarte
zweimal ausgestellt haben... weil ihre Fettabsaugung nicht so perfekt gelaufen
ist wie beim letzten Mal und weil ihr Mann zuviel reist.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Die
paranoide Arbeitgeberin:</b>
sie hat Kameras im Haus und ein genaues Inventar aller ihrer Besitztümer sowie
vom Essen im Kuehlschrank. Sie hat ein unglaubliches Misstrauen gegenüber ihrer
Hausangestellten und auch der vielen anderen 'so seltsamen' Menschen die auf
der Strasse herumgehen. Bevor sie aus dem Haus geht, lässt sie täglich eine
Notiz am Kühschrank aufgeklebt, mit 97 Aufgaben und Hinweisen. Wenn sie
heimkommt, fährt sie mit dem Finger ueber die Möbel und bei ihr zuhause werden
sogar die Unterhosen gebügelt!</span><br />
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Modell
des polizeilichen Arbeitgebers, den die Razzien sehr beschaeftigen</b>: gestern war ein harter Tag, es waren
keine Immigranten auf der Strasse und das Kontingent wurde nicht erfüllt. Am
Ende fuhr er ins Komissariat und sah dass seine Freunde verschiedene Frauen
ohne Papiere verhaftet hatten, unter ihnen seine 'liebste Carmen',
herzallerliebste Hausangestellte die ihm das Fruehstück macht, für ihn die
Uniform bügelt und ihm jeden Abend geduldig zuhört… er ist verzweifelt! <br />
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">Uns
Angestellte erwischen die Razzien auch!</span></i><br />
<br />
<b>Modell der starken Arbeitgeberin: s</b>ie braucht keine Erinnerung an dir
Rechte ihrer Angestellten, und behandelt diese wie Personen. Sie zahlt ein würdiges
Gehalt, die Sozialversicherung, Ferien und sie freut sich dass ihre Angestellte
eine Aktivistin ist und für die Rechte der Frauen kämpft. Sie folgt deren
Tätigkeiten mit Interesse und unterstützt sie soweit es geht (sie geht flyern,
unterstützt den Kampf).<o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br />
</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Ende der Modeschau: die starke Haushaltsangestellte
teilt gemeinsam mit ihrer Chefin Flyer unter den ZuschauerInnen aus, und alle
Modelle kommen nochmal mit ihren Transparenten auf den Catwalk. Dann wird das
Manifesto gelesen.<br style="mso-special-character: line-break;" />
<!--[if !supportLineBreakNewLine]--><br style="mso-special-character: line-break;" />
<!--[endif]--><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br />
</span><br />
<h3>
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">>>> GESETZGEBUNG RUND UM ANGESTELLTE IM HAUSHALT</span></b></h3>
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="DE" style="mso-ansi-language: DE;">/// Unter der Austeritätsregierung von Mariano Rajoy tritt im Frühling 2013 eine
Gesetzesaenderung in Kraft (</span></i>Realdekret 29/2012)<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="DE" style="mso-ansi-language: DE;">, die in Privathaushalten Angestellte wieder zwingt,
anstatt ihren Arbeitgebern selbst ihre Sozialversicherungsbeiträge zu bezahlen,
und solchen ArbeiterInnen auch alle möglichen anderen Rechte abspricht. Fuer
mehr Info auf Spanisch, siehe auch<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"> dieses Video der Territorio Domestico Pressekonferenz vom 18.Maerz 2013 </b></span></i></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="DE" style="mso-ansi-language: DE;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><br /></b></span></i>
</span><br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><object class="BLOGGER-youtube-video" classid="clsid:D27CDB6E-AE6D-11cf-96B8-444553540000" codebase="http://download.macromedia.com/pub/shockwave/cabs/flash/swflash.cab#version=6,0,40,0" data-thumbnail-src="http://img.youtube.com/vi/4mbiD_NhnTM/0.jpg" height="266" width="320"><param name="movie" value="http://youtube.googleapis.com/v/4mbiD_NhnTM&source=uds" /><param name="bgcolor" value="#FFFFFF" /><param name="allowFullScreen" value="true" /><embed width="320" height="266" src="http://youtube.googleapis.com/v/4mbiD_NhnTM&source=uds" type="application/x-shockwave-flash" allowfullscreen="true"></embed></object></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="DE" style="mso-ansi-language: DE;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><br /></b></span></i>
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="DE" style="mso-ansi-language: DE;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><br /></b></span></i>
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="DE" style="mso-ansi-language: DE;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><br /></b></span></i></span></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">/// SKETCH: DAS NEUE GESETZ FÜR HAUSANGESTELLTE (2011)*</span></b><br />
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="DE" style="mso-ansi-language: DE;"><br /></span></b><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">*Der untenstehende Sketch bezieht sich auf eine Gesetzgebung, mit der Hausangestellten 2011 mehr Rechte erlangt haben: <a href="http://www.gaztelan.org/guianavarra/lista_contenidos.php?num=907/EMPLEO-DOMESTICO" target="_blank">hier mehr Info zu diesem Geset</a>z.</i><br />
<br />
Berta
kommt vom Einkaufen und seufzt - AY, endlich! So gut zu Hause zu sein!<br />
<br />
Jessica
- guten Tag Frau X…<br />
<br />
B
- hallo Süsse… kannst du mir das Bad herrichten, ich muss mich entspannen…<br />
<br />
J
- natürlich! Sie sind heute sehr müde… viel Arbeit, nichtwahr.<br />
<br />
B
- Ja meine Liebe, dieses EInkaufen mit den Freundinnen ist eine Arbeit. Und mit
der Krise, die uns ja alle betrifft… jetzt muss ich im Ausverkauf einkaufen, in
den vollgestopften Kaufhäusern shoppen… ich will gar nicht dran denken, es
deprimiert mich…<br />
<br />
J
- also dann bereite ich mal das Bad vor Frau X. Später, wenn sie sich ausgeruht
haben, will ich sie was fragen… …<br />
<br />
B,
seufzt und ruft aus - und was wird wohl jetzt mit dem Mädl los sein? Schaun wir
mal in die Zeitung, wenn die da heute die Nachrichten ueber die Gesetzesänderung
rund um Beschaeftigte in Privathaushalten sieht… Ha! Die berühmte Gesetzesänderung!
Die will mit mir sicher uber das reden… Eh klar, weil die sind… echt!
Unglaublich! Wie die einen ausnutzen… immer mehr und mehr verlangen… nix reicht
aus! Jessica…Jessica!<br />
<br />
J
- ja, Frau X?<br />
<br />
B
- Weisst du von dieser Gesetzesänderung rund um Hausangestellte? Ich seh gerade
in den Nachrichten, dass sie da schon wieder irgendwas geändert haben.. dort wo
ihr euch immer am Sonntag trefft, was sagen die dort?<br />
<br />
J
- ja genau! Darüber wollte ich mit ihnen reden Frau X! Man hat mir gesagt dass
sich das Gesetz geändert hat.<br />
<br />
B
- und warum schon wieder das Gesetz ändern? Wenns euch doch gut gepasst hat so…
du hast ja keinen Grund zur Beschwerde… naja, aber ihr beschwert euch ja immer!
(BERTA AUFGEBRACHT) Ihr wisst nichts zu schaetzen… Wie lang bist du schon hier
bei mir im Haus, du erinnerst dich ja ger nicht mehr dass du illegal warst,
also du gekommen bist?? Ich hab dir die Papiere verschafft, wir haben die das
Zimmerchen neben der Waschmaschine eingerichtet damit du nicht so weit gehen
musst… wir nehmen dich jedes Jahr auf Urlaub mit… die Kinder lieben dich… ich
weiss nicht was du da noch willst!<br />
<br />
J
- Frau X… sie sind sehr nett zu mir… ich beschwere mich nicht… aber langsam
will ich auch ein bisschen was sparen, und mit meiner Familie einmal Urlaub
machen… Es heisst dass wir mit diesem Gesetz zwei extra Gehälter bekommen! Und
dass ich mir aussuchen kann, wann ich mir Urlaub nehme.<br />
<br />
B
(wütend) - Was! Das kann ja nicht sein, dass du dich beschwerst… Meine Liebe,
ich glaube du machst dich ein bisschen lächerlich… das kommt von den komischen
Ideen, die die deine Freundinnen in den Kopf setzen. Bevor du die kennengelernt
hast, warst du nich so… du bist vom Weg abgekommen.<br />
<br />
J
(ruhig) - Neeeein Frau X… meine Freundinnen stehen mir nur bei und informieren
mich, weil sie wissen ja wie ich in meinem Job nichteinmal zum Fernsehschauen
komme…<br />
<br />
B
- was hast du wegen Urlaub gesagt… komm setz dich mal her… Mir kommt vor du bist verwirrt - ich hab
auch Freundinnen die mir Informationen vermitteln und die erzaehlen mir, dass
das Gesetz das mit dem Urlaub sehr klar hinstellt… sodass du also Urlaub machst
wenn es uns gut passt, und dann mit uns mitkommst, wir sagen dir schon wenn es
dazu kommt…Und wer wird das Gesetz schon kontrollieren… in mein Haus wird wohl
niemand kommen oder? Das ist mein Haus hier, es ist privat..!!!!<br />
<br />
J
- erzaehlt von Gesetz (…) Frau X,
sie muessen dieTueren aufmachen wenn eine Inspektion das verlangt.. wenn sie
beschuldigt werden, verpflichtet sie das Gesetz, die Tueren zu oeffnen…<br />
<br />
B
- Das gibts ja nicht Jessica, das ist ja unglaublich! Wie viele Hausangestellte
kennst du, die tausend Euro verdienen… und du bist eine von ihnen!! Mit der
Jahreskarte die ich dir zahle, und dem Essen… kommst du auf tausend Euro, fix!
Aber pass auf! Bei euch heissts immer viele Rechte viele Rechte viele Rechte,
aber stell dir vor jetzt müsst ihr eure Haushaltssachen selber zahlen und in
diesem Land, dass euch so gut behandelt, mithalten… und das einzige was ihr tut
ist Forderungen stellen und euch zu beschweren! Und wir als Arbeitgeberinnen,
was haben wir davon? Hah? So viele Gesetzesänderungen, dauernd Gesetzesänderungen,
aber es wird alles gleich weitergehen, du wirst es schon sehen! Sag mir mal, du
die du so gut informiert bist über deine Freundinnen... wer wird kontrollieren,
dass das Gesetz eingehalten wird? Ihr seid schon naiv, ihr glaubt alles was
euch die Roten sagen…<br />
<br />
J
- (langsam mehr irritiert) Ich finde das schon sehr schade dass sie so
sprechen, Frau X… sie wissen sehrwohl wir wir arbeiten, dass ihr ganzes Leben
nicht weiterginge wenn wir nicht putzen, kochen, und auf ihre Familie schauen…
unsere Arbeit ist wichtig. Und dieses Gesetz betrifft sie nicht direkt, wir
muessen uns nur ein paar Sachen ausmachen.. das Gesetz ist fuer die, die
jahrelang Frauen als Sklavinnen einstellen, fuer 400€.. für die ist das Gesetz!</span></div>
</div>
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<h3>
<b><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">>>><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Song: ‘Der Hof in meinem Haus’</span></b></h3>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Die Arbeit die ich mache, ist recht partikulär<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">ich schau auf ziemlich alle<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">aber bezahlt werd ich kaum ungefähr<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<i><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Haushaltsangestellte, lehn dich auf<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><i>kämpf um deine Rechte und deine Sichtbarkeit
auch</i><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Im Falle eines Unfalls, da ists recht
sonderbar<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">weil du hast keine Rechte<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">und kein Arbeitslosengeld ist da<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<i><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Haushaltsangestellte, lehn dich auf<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><i>kämpf um deine Rechte und deine Sichtbarkeit
auch!!</i><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<h2>
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">[ESPAÑOL]</span></h2>
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<h3>
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">SOBRE
TERRITORIO DOMESTICO</span></b></h3>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Territorio Domestico es un espacio de encuentro,
relacion, cuidado y lucha. Está compuesto mayoritariamente por mujeres
migrantes. La reivindicación inicial que nos conova es el reconocimiento por
nuestros derechos como trabajadoras del hogar, la dignidad y la valoracion de
nuestro trabajo en un sistema que davalua los cuidados, los invisibiliza y
precariza, pese a que éstos son imprescindibles en el sostenimiento de todas
nuestras sociedades. Por eso nuestro lema es ‘PORQUE SIN NOSOTRAS NO SE MUEVE
EL MUNDO’ y nuestro logo una mujer moviendo un complejo engranaje.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">>>> CONSEJOS PARA EMPLEADAS DEL HOGAR PODEROSAS</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">1.- Lo que hacemos tiene mucho valor. No lo
olvides ni dejes que lo olviden.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">2.- Busquemos información y apoyo entre
nosotras, sobre todo en las épocas malas. Las que están en nuestra misma
situación saben muchas cosas y tienen estrategias. También puedes completar la
información en alguna asesoría gratuita, asociación, radio, etc.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">3.- No dejemos que nos metan miedo. El mismo
respeto que nos piden nuestros empleadores y empleadoras, lo merecemos
nosotras. Tenemos que mantenernos firmes en la defensa de nuestros derechos.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">4.- Reclama un tiempo y un espacio propios.
Tienes derecho a tu propia habitación, a tus tiempos de descanso, a tus
horarios de comida y a visitas al médico. Negócialos. Es importante que cuides
tu cuerpo, tu mente y tu ánimo, no son sólo tus herramientas de trabajo, sino
también de vida.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">5.- Acuerda claramente desde el principio
las tareas que te corresponden, el horario, el salario, la forma en la que te
lo pagarán, las vacaciones, el número de personas que quedarán a tu cargo... <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">No dudes en preguntar todo lo que haga
falta. Que exista claridad en la relación. Si más adelante, cambia la situación
(un familiar se enferma y te piden que lo cuides, nace un bebé, la familia se
compra una mascota, etc.), intenta renegociar las condiciones.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">6.- Al negociar, es importante sentirse
fuerte. Puedes utilizar aquellos elementos que te hagan verte digna y poderosa
(llevar una determinada ropa, ir acompañada de otra persona, llevar
información...). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">7.- Si trabajas como interna no dejes nunca
que te paguen menos de 700 euros: nunca trabajes por 300, 400 o 500, eso es un
timo. Y, en la medida de lo posible, intenta que el sueldo sea más alto, sobre
todo si el trabajo es complicado y requiere conocimientos especializados,
esfuerzos físicos duros, etc.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">8.- Antes de innovar en las tareas y hacer
más cosas de las acordadas, piénsatelo dos veces. Lo que haces en un momento
por buena voluntad, más tarde se puede convertir en algo que te exijan.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">9.- La casa en la que trabajas no es la única:
hay otras que te necesitan. Si no estás a gusto, pregunta a otras compañeras,
en asociaciones, inscríbete en bolsas de trabajo... siempre se puede encontrar
otro empleo.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">10.- Hacerte los papeles, siempre que
cumplas las condiciones para ello, no es un favor, sino una obligación de tu
empleador/a. Una vez que puedas demostrar que llevas tres años residiendo en
España, puedes demandarle que lo haga.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">11.- Jefa buena es la que valora tu trabajo
y te da una remuneración justa, no la que te trata como una amiga.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">12.- Ten cuidado a la hora de hablar de tu
vida personal. Si en un futuro tienes problemas con tu empleadora o empleador,
puede utilizarlo en tu contra.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">13.- Si te acosan sexualmente, no lo
consientas, busca apoyo. Aunque no tengas papeles, tienes derecho a protección.
Infórmate en alguna asociación de mujeres.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">14.- Para denunciar abusos, no es necesario
tener papeles ni trabajar a jornada continua. Guarda pruebas que demuestren la
relación laboral desde el comienzo: fotos con la familia, recibos que te hagan
a mano cuando te paguen, resguardos de los pagos que te hagan a través del
banco, cartas recibidas en la casa en la que trabajas, testigos, en caso de que
seas interna, empadronamiento, etc. Busca apoyo y, cuando denuncies, hazlo en
los juzgados, nunca en una comisaría.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">15.- No des tu dirección de trabajo para
recibir documentos importantes. Si la relación con tu empleadora o empleador se
deteriora, evitarás así que se los quede y pueda chantajearte con ello.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">16.- Júntate con otras para crear formas de
apoyo mutuo, invita a otras a asociarse. Nosotras nos reunimos todos los
segundos domingos de mes, a partir de las 17h, en c/ Embajadores 52, local, en
el barrio de Lavapiés, metro: Lavapiés o Embajadores. Nos encantará contar con
tu presencia.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">
>>> <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Manifestacion 8 Marzo 2010</b>:</span></h3>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">>>> <b>PASARELA
FASHION: DESFILE DE LAS ÚLTIMAS TENDENCIAS PRECARIAS EN EL SERVICIO DOMÉSTICO<o:p></o:p></b></span></h3>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Pasarela del Domingo 8 de Mayo 2011, Plaza de Lavapiés: </span><br />
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br />
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">El pasado 30
de marzo se celebró el Día Internacional de las Empleadas de Hogar. Con motivo de
esa fecha nos gustaría invitaros a nuestra Pasarela Fashion: el lugar donde se
expresan las últimas tendencias en el empleo de hogar. Todo cazador/a de
tendencias de las nuevas formas de explotación debería asomarse por nuestra
pasarela, en ella podrán observarse verdaderas exclusivas que no encontrará en
los magazines.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Somos mujeres
migrantes, con papeles y sin papeles, autóctonas, feministas y personas de
diferente procedencia que apoyan la lucha de las empleadas de hogar. Juntas nos
organizamos en un espacio abierto, colectivo, de apoyo mutuo y que se va
construyendo permanentemente en el día a día, no con pocas dificultades y
alegrías. Nos autoorganizamos con el deseo de visibilizar la situación en el
empleo de hogar, en la que se entrelazan íntimamente precariedades extremas,
desigualdades de género y asimentrías según el lugar de procedencia. La inmensa
mayoría de las empleadas de hogar son mujeres y actualmente un 65% migrantes. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">El trabajo de
cuidados es imprescindible en nuestra sociedad y, sin embargo, es lo que menos
se ve y valorado está, lo que menos cuenta. Y si no que se lo digan a nuestras
madres y abuelas, hermanas y tías. Por eso también buscamos cuestionar el
modelo social en el que se apoya esta invisibilización, basado en la falsa idea
de que somos seres autónomos e independientes, que nunca necesitamos cuidados y
que, en última instancia, todo se puede comprar. Una idea que se apoya en la
figura del hombre/blanco/hetero/burgués que en realidad la mayoría de la gente
no podemos o queremos reproducir. La realidad es muy otra. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Pero para que
esta idea pueda sobrevivir el empleo de hogar no ha sido considerado un trabajo
como otros. Inserto en el Régimen Especial de la Seguridad Social desde 1985,
permite jornadas laborales de 14h cobrando menos del salario mínimo
interprofesional anual y no existe derecho a paro ni baja por enfermedad hasta
el día 29, por mencionar sólo algunos de los puntos más discrminatorios. Por
eso, aunque tras la última reforma laboral el mercado laboral entero esté
sufriendo un aumento de las condiciones de precariedad, exigir la inclusión del
empleo de hogar en el régimen general sigue siendo un acto de justicia
fundamental. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Con la crisis,
la demanda de cuidados no ha bajado tanto como ha ocurrido en otros sectores
masculinos como la construcción. Esto es así porque existe una necesidad social
inaplazable. Pero los tiempos de crisis sí han servido para pagar menos y
exigir mucho más, hacernos aún más vulnerables: bajan los salarios y el
chantaje aumenta. Y las que más lo sufren son quienes están en peor posición:
las mujeres migrantes sin papeles o las que, teniendo papeles, están pendientes
de la renovación. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Queremos salir
a la calle a reivindicar nuestros derechos, hacernos visibles y pensar juntas
cómo podemos cambiar una sociedad que expulsa las necesidades de las personas
de sus prioridades. Nos preguntamos tantas cosas... ¿cómo es posible que haya
dinero para rescatar bancos y no para incluir el empleo de hogar en el régimen
general? ¿cómo es posible que se haya permitido la entrada de contingentes
internacionales de trabajadoras migrantes a las que a día de hoy se les niega
la regularización? ¿cómo es posible que el gran sostén de la sociedad siga siendo
el trabajo invisible de las mujeres? ¿cómo es posible vivir en una sociedad que
pone la búsqueda de beneficio por encima de las personas? <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Con la cabeza
llena de preguntas os invitamos a pasar un buen rato con nosotras el próximo
domingo en la PASARELA FASHION: 8 de Mayo, a las 12.30h en las escalinatas del
Teatro Valle- Inclán, en la Plaza de Lavapiés. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Os esperamos. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">PORQUE SIN
NOSOTRAS NO SE MUEVE EL MUNDO!! <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">TERRITORIO
DOMÉSTICO<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">>>> <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Empleadas de Hogar Poderosas:</b> manifestacion del 28 Marzo 2010: </span></h3>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span id="goog_252965694"></span>verse: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BAba_MIMybc</span><br />
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<h3>
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">>>> <span lang="DE">Ruede de Prensa Territorio Domestico, 18 Marzo 2013 </span></span></h3>
<div style="margin: 0px;">
<span lang="DE" style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">(sobre el cambio de ley de empleadas de hogar, real decreto 29/2012) </span></div>
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<h3>
<a href="https://archive.org/details/TerritorioDomesticoACapella" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">>>> A Capella Rap del taller en Viena</span></a></h3>
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">//// all translations here - Manuela Zechner</span></div>
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adminhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12981338591965987512noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8132093035373861176.post-59453737121834038052013-04-22T17:57:00.000-07:002014-03-26T08:46:29.946-07:00Einkuechenhaeuser (One-kitchen-buildings): a 20th century architectural-social experiment<h2 style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
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The term Einküchenhaus translates into English as one-kitchen-building. It describes a building typology that was used to experiment with concepts of communal living and housing in the beginning of the 20th century. Multi-unit residential buildings or housing complexes facilitated by one central kitchen were emerging in many industrializing cities in North America, Western Europe and Russia questioning and reorganizing reproductive labor. They were realized in varying forms and for different reasons – as tools for emancipation for the early women's movement, as reformist, socialist or communist experiments, but also out of a mere capitalist interest in economic profit.<br />
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This brief outline follows the history of the Einküchenhaus along several examples as to show not only the continuities and developments but also conflicts and contradictions (e.g. class conflicts) persisting throughout the typology's history. There are of course many more examples that cannot be all included in a brief introduction like this – some of them have become classic examples of the history of modern architecture like the Narkomfin building, a test project for state organized communal living built in 1932 in Moscow, or the Heimhof Einküchenhaus in Vienna, which was incorporated into the building activities of Red Vienna.<br />
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Utopian Model: Early Socialists and the
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In the beginning of the 19th century, nonsectarian utopian socialists were advocating collective housework and child care to support equality between women and men. The french philosopher and early socialist Charles Fourier (1772-1837) came up with a utopian model, which he called Phalanstère. Fourier was outspokenly criticizing capitalism and was a supporter of womens rights. He conceptualized the Phalanstère as a self-contained community, ideally consisting of 1500-1600 people working together for mutual benefit. The complex would include private apartments and social halls and would provide shared infrastructures for people living in the Phalanx community – dining rooms, meeting rooms, libraries and studies. Work should be distributed between women and men equally.<br />
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Even though Fourier was never able to realize his ideas of the Phalanstère due to a lack of financial support, his model of communal living inspired many experiments in Europe and the US (often by sectarian groups) such as the North American Phalanx, established in New Jersey in 1843.<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://3.bp.blogspot.com/-4FG0aZx8was/UXXJoHFzT-I/AAAAAAAAAAM/G0kSN6joSUU/s1600/Phalanste%CC%80re.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="http://3.bp.blogspot.com/-4FG0aZx8was/UXXJoHFzT-I/AAAAAAAAAAM/G0kSN6joSUU/s400/Phalanste%CC%80re.jpg" height="302" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span class="description"><span style="font-size: x-small;">Laurent Pelletier, "Das erträumte Phalanstère von Charles Fourier" (1868)</span></span></td></tr>
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Social Palace: The Familistière,
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One of the most famous experiments in Europe was initiated by the french factory owner and Fourierist André Godin, who set out to realize Fouriers ideas providing innovative housing for the workers of his cast-iron factory in Guise, France, in the second half of the 19th century (built between 1858 and 1883). The complex was based on the Phalanstère and included communal facilities like a large dining hall, a café, and a child care center but was less radical in terms of Fouriers ideas of a unitary living, since the Familistère sought to sustain the private unity of the family. In 1880 Godin converted the housing complex to cooperative ownership and management by workers called <i>l'Association coopérative du Capital et du Travail</i>.
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<span style="font-size: x-small;">"Le Familistère Godin à Guise" (19th century)</span></div>
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Cooperative Housekeeping in the US</h3>
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The ideas of the early socialists were very popular among the women's movement in the United States in the late 19th century. Influenced by the idea of the socialization of housework, feminist activists like Fay Peirce (1836-1923) developed and propagated cooperative housekeeping. In 1868, Fierce demanded payment for housework and started to organize a mutual aid and neighborhood association in her hometown Cambridge, Massachusetts, trying to also mobilize her female colleagues from the literary and intellectual elite. The aim was to centralize reproductive labor (cooking, washing, sewing) in one building and financially compensate the workers. After the implementations of her ideas into cooperative housekeeping failed –also due to the husbands' resistance– she wrote the book <i>Co-operative Housekeeping: How not to do it and How to do it </i>(1884).</div>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Fay Peirce: Co-Operative Housekeeping. How not to do it and how to do it.- <span class="itemPublisher">J. R. Osgood and company: </span><span class="itemPublisher"><span class="itemPublisher">Boston (</span>1884).</span></td></tr>
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Settlement House: The Hull House in Chicago</h3>
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</style>One of the most successful examples of communal infrastructures for reproductive labor and cooperative housekeeping in the US is the Hull House in Chicago, which was founded in 1898 by Jane Addams and Ellen Gates Starr. Influenced by the reformist settlement movement, the Hull house became, at its inception, a community of university women whose main purpose was to provide social and educational opportunities for working class people (many of them recent European immigrants) in the surrounding neighborhood. </div>
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At one point in its long history it featured not only a central kitchen and a dining room for the 50 inhabitants and people living in the neighborhood but also functioned as a hub for cultural or educational activities and political organizing (e.g. for the women's right to vote). In 1891, Jane Adams helped to organize the Jane Club, a self-organized boarding house for young women workers, which was based on cooperative housekeeping and was later on incorporated into the Hull House.</div>
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<blockquote class="tr_bq">
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"At a meeting of working girls held at Hull-House during a strike in a large shoe factory, the discussion made it clear that the strikers who had been easily frightened, and therefore first to capitulate, were naturally those girls who were paying board and were afraid of being put out of they fell too far behind."</div>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">Jane Addams: Twenty Years at Hull-House (1910; New York: New American Library, 1960)</span></blockquote>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"> Poster for educational program<span style="font-size: x-small;"> at the Hul<span style="font-size: x-small;">l House</span></span></span></td></tr>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Coffee room at the Hull House</td></tr>
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<h3 style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
Haushaltsgenossenschaft in Berlin: Lily
Braun</h3>
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</style>Lily Braun (1865-1916) was an active member of the women's movement in Germany and was strongly influenced by developments like the Hull House in the US. She was also a member of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) and was the first one in Germany to bring up the idea of the Einküchenhaus. She writes about the advantages of the Einküchenhaus in her text <i>Frauenarbeit und Hauswirtschaft</i> (1901) picturing a building that features one central kitchen for 50-60 units. In her text she stresses the political meaning of such a design, which would free woman of reproductive labor and thus foster emancipation of women in general. </div>
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Since Lily Braun herself was coming from a wealthy background she had to endure a lot of critique by many members of the socialist party as well as the women's movement. All the more since her proposals for an Einküchenhaus and her ideas of economic independence for women were interfering with very hot topics of the time: the general debate on working conditions –the demand of the employment of women was not necessarily welcomed by all male members of the socialist party– and the discussion of housing reforms. Many of her socialist colleagues argued that the issues of women could not be solved before the general goal was fulfilled: the collectivization and socialization of all means of production. </div>
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Even protagonists of the socialist women's movement like Clara Zetkin dismissed her ideas as economically unrealistic and bourgeois dreams. In spite of all the critique Lily Braun founded the Haushaltsgenossenschaft and hired an architect to develop a plan. Like many others she could not find the necessary financial support.<style type="text/css"></style></div>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://3.bp.blogspot.com/-6dO9b-wE5-w/UXXKctxyM0I/AAAAAAAAAA8/tCvwOkirmdc/s1600/braun_die+frauenfrage.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="http://3.bp.blogspot.com/-6dO9b-wE5-w/UXXKctxyM0I/AAAAAAAAAA8/tCvwOkirmdc/s400/braun_die+frauenfrage.jpg" height="300" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Lily Braun: Die Frauenfrage. Ihre geschichtliche Entwicklung und wirtschaftliche Seite.- Hirzel: Leipzig (1901).</td></tr>
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<h3 style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
Service House for the Middle Class:
Copenhagen and Berlin</h3>
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The Service House in Copenhagen was the first built construction, which was labeled as Einküchenhaus in Europe. Influenced by the model of the apartment-hotel, it was built in 1903 as a capitalist enterprise, which aimed to attract married employed woman. The owners were advocating the traditional family model, distancing themselves rigidly from any possible communitarian impression the building could evoke. In a promotional leaflet, the owners highlighted that the apartments were completely separate from each other as to live an unaffected intact family life.<br />
<br />
A similar enterprise was executed in Berlin: in 1905 the first 5 Einküchenhäuser were completed – all aiming at a middle class audience that was suffering from a lack of domestic staff available on the labor market at the time. Similar to the Danish model the Berliner Einküchenhausgesellschaft was distancing themselves from cooperative models discussed by the likes of Lily Braun. Consequently they left out the central dining room that was still optional in Copenhagen. The promoted image was that of a family friendly high-tech building offering extra programs like a reformist kindergarden or a space for gymnastics.<br />
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span class="description">centralbyggnad kopenhagen </span></td></tr>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span class="description">centralbyggnad kopenhagen </span></td></tr>
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<h3 style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
Books:</h3>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
Franziska Bollerey:
Architekturkonzeptionen der utopischen Sozialisten: alternative
Planung und Architektur für den gesellschaftlichen Prozeß.- Verl.
Moos: München (1977).</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
Selim O. Chan-Magomedov: Pioniere der
sowjetischen Architektur: Der Weg zur neuen sowjetischen Architektur
in den zwanziger und zu Beginn der dreißiger Jahre.- Dresden: Verlag
der Kunst (1983).</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
Dolores Hayden: The Grand Domestic
Revolution: A History of Feminist Designs for American Homes,
Neighborhoods, and Cities.- Cambridge, MA: MIT Press (1981)</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
Ulla Terlinden, Susanna von Oertzen:
Die Wohnungsfrage ist Frauensache. Frauenbewegung und Wohnreform.
1870–1933.- Reimer: Berlin (2006).</div>
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<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
Günther Uhlig: Kollektivmodell
“Einküchenhaus”. Wohnreform u. Architekturdebatte zwischen
Frauenbewegung u. Funktionalismus 1900 – 1933.- Anabas-Verl: Gießen
(1981).</div>
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jhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03950727926004680549noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8132093035373861176.post-48003755914120811182013-01-17T07:33:00.001-08:002013-01-22T11:19:55.209-08:00OCCUPY SANDY: A SKYPE CALLIn our first collective meeting, we called Susana who has been involved in Occupy Sandy in New York, to hear and ask about her experience of this mobilization, its effects on the wider Occupy movement, its organizational dynamics and further perspectives.<br />
<br />
The transatlantic connection was shaky but we really enjoyed the converstation!
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<iframe frameborder="0" height="30" src="http://archive.org/embed/OccupySandy-RadicalCollectiveCare-Session1" width="500"></iframe>
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<div class="ace-line" id="magicdomid160">
<span class="author-g-hldiqtz122z9boeiadgp b i u"><b><i><u>Discussion notes - Questions asked and answered in common by the participants </u></i></b></span></div>
<br />
<br />
<ul>
<li>This resonated with Black Panther Party in many
ways...</li>
<li>But I found that exactly when it came
to asking the question 'how is this political' there isn't really an
answer – like mutual aid in itsel is something that christian aid
or migrant communities do all the time, but it doesn't change
political structures in any way...</li>
<li>But I also have to say i'm not
quite sure what these terms mean, I can only guess what the
difference between mutual aid and charity might be defined...</li>
</ul>
<ul>
<li><div style="margin-bottom: 0cm;">
In terms of where it comes out of,
the mutual aid discourse comes from the anarchist tradition, and
charity comes from the church..</div>
</li>
<li><div style="margin-bottom: 0cm;">
I think charity is also something
top-down, you give to someone but it doesn't have the mutualness to
it</div>
</li>
<li><div style="margin-bottom: 0cm;">
But then when she was describing
these suspicions that they experience every now and then, maybe
that's not top-down but seemingly there are also hierarchies, or class
issues, or whatever you want to call it then..</div>
</li>
<li><div style="margin-bottom: 0cm;">
I guess it's also that mutual aid
is very community based, and that when you come into a community
that you're not a part of, they say 'why do you want to be mutual
with us? We don't know you, why should we trust you, etc..?' And
then they have to say 'well actually we do it cause we have some
political ideas or ideals'... this would have been interesting to
talk about a bit more; how they talk about Occupy, whether they say
they wanna change american society, or curb the power of Wall
street, or how do they representat that to communties – because
they have to explain why they're there, without being a charity<br />
<a name='more'></a></div>
</li>
<li><div style="margin-bottom: 0cm;">
what I found interesting as a
resonance with the Black Panther Party is that she said that the
Occupy movement got into the media again through these Sandy
initiatives, that Occupy regained some momentum or reinvigorated
itself, and that's a very nice confirmation in some sense that
engaging in these kinds of struggles is really powerful and that
when it happens in the right moment in a movement it makes you very
visible, much more than certain other actions...</div>
</li>
<li><div style="margin-bottom: 0cm;">
and to me it's in fact very
political, to bring people together and to realise that you have
more power together – so maybe we have to talk about what we mean
by political. also this doesn't have to be so much about visibility
then... empowerment is a strange concept, but still...</div>
</li>
<li><div style="margin-bottom: 0cm;">
But if you only do community work
this doesn't question the state. Then the state can say 'oh, it's
nice if you do our work for us, it's even cheapter for us'. And it's
nice that people get together and like each other, and are building
up new connections, and I think that's important and i'd also call
that political, but it has an end (or limit).
</div>
</li>
<li><div style="margin-bottom: 0cm;">
It depends where the end is, cause
if it's also about becoming like a state within a state, where you
have your own structures or become a kind of... and maybe also leave
the capitalist shit behind somewhat, then that can get very
dangerous I guess, cause people are not supposed to support
eachother, so I think there's something powerful behind it. But I
also see the ambivalence with this privatisation-state-mutual aid
complex.</div>
</li>
<li><div style="margin-bottom: 0cm;">
And I think that's the question
that came up right at the beginning of Occupy – everyone was happy
that it's a new form of organisation, we don't have representatives
that are speaking for us or others, and so there are no
representatives, and there are new ways of making decisions within
bigger groups, which is very important and has to be developed and
is also very difficult to develop.. and it was also a good thing to
say 'we don't have a programme, and once we reached that then it's
over', but I still feel there is a vacuume, where I don't have real
answers.</div>
</li>
<li><div style="margin-bottom: 0cm;">
I've only been to occupy london
which was smaller and less exciting than new york but it was still
interesting. And there what was interesting was not the
organisational forms themselves – you can have that in climate
camp, etc, and some people get some experiences out of that of
course – but what was more was that people were in a space where
they weren't supposed to be, and where the owners of the land and
the police wanted to kick them off. So it meant that you were there
not just exercising nice grassroots democracy but you were in a
conflictual relationship with the powers that represent the society
that you want to change. Which meant you can't just say 'oh we have
a nice little thing here' but you had to deal with the fact htat
there are power structures in society, that have weapons, thousands
of police officers, money and all those things – that's present
all the time, it's clear that there was a conflict in society. And
this is maybe what we didn't talk about much here – 'we did
something that the state can't do' – well so do church charities
all the time, where's the conflict?</div>
</li>
<li><div style="margin-bottom: 0cm;">
But I think she did speak of that
being challenged...</div>
</li>
<li><div style="margin-bottom: 0cm;">
but it's still ahrd to say where
the conflict is, you can't tell the national guard to fuck off cause
they might save someone that might otherwise drown, you can't stage
the conflict with the state...</div>
</li>
<li><div style="margin-bottom: 0cm;">
but this maybe very much goes into
this question of 'how to go on', how do you follow up on this kind
of thing..</div>
</li>
<li><div style="margin-bottom: 0cm;">
I was also thinking that this
context of a desaster is very special, at some point she was talking
about the politics of everyday life, and yet a catastrophe is not
really everyday life, it's what's then forcing you to collaborate
with the national guard, the fema, etc... so it'sa tricky situation
that's also very special</div>
</li>
<li><div style="margin-bottom: 0cm;">
but maybe that's also a kind of
situation that's similar to the state of exception is european
countries that are being fucked over right now, so not a natural
desaster but a human made one...</div>
</li>
<li><div style="margin-bottom: 0cm;">
Another case study, if we want to
also have negative case studies at some point, is that we could look
at the Big Society in the UK is interesting to look at, cause it's
really such a clever... even if now it's not as threatening as we
thought it was a few years ago because it's been discredited a lot,
people think it's bullshit, they know that it's bullshit, but it's a
very clever programme for vampirizing and sucking up communal
energies that people put into time banks, food programmes, free
schools, etc... it's basically a synonym for privatisation... it'd
be happy to do that sometime. I think we shouldn't have too many
negative examples but a few would be useful!</div>
</li>
<li><div style="margin-bottom: 0cm;">
I think it's one of the most
important examples right now...</div>
</li>
<li><div style="margin-bottom: 0cm;">
but it's also one of the examples
of policy that was taken from the united states. Let's say 'we
empower this church where the majority of people who live in this
area belong to... we empower this church to give this or that
service to the community...' which is a very strongly normalizing
thing also, so suddenly you have to engage with this church to get a
service that was previously run by the state. Or we get private
businesses that call themselves charities and we give them the money
and then they run away with it... I think it's normal policy from
the US that was proposed in the UK...</div>
</li>
<li><div style="margin-bottom: 0cm;">
it's the Caritas...</div>
</li>
<li><div style="margin-bottom: 0cm;">
I agree that Caritas is terribly
paternalistic, this charity approach has little to do with the
collective approach we're discussing here – there are many things
that a charity like Caritas can't allow given its status and
disposition... for instance in the church that's currently occupied
by migrants/refugees right now, they've put security guards by the
church and are running their own little programme... [see
refugeecampvienna.noblogs.org for background]</div>
</li>
<li><div style="margin-bottom: 0cm;">
it would be good to look at NGO
business and why they are seen as imporant and positive for the
community... it's of course a topic now with the Caritas now in the
church occupation, but it's a huge business more generally... and
it's really strange how it works in relation to subjectivation. And
that's the problem for the Caritas now, that the migrants are now
not victims but political subjects, and the Caritas doesn't know how
to deal with that at all...</div>
</li>
<li><div style="margin-bottom: 0cm;">
Maybe someone who works for an NGO
wants to have a collective psychoanalysis here sometime and come
talk to us about their work... hahah...</div>
</li>
</ul>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<br />adminhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12981338591965987512noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8132093035373861176.post-42283178454032865012013-01-16T05:04:00.004-08:002015-06-12T11:59:18.310-07:00THE BLACK PANTHERS' FREE BREAKFAST FOR SCHOOL CHILDREN<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">'In October of
1966, in Oakland California, Huey Newton and Bobby Seale founded the
Black Panther Party for Self-Defense. The Panthers practiced militant
self-defense of minority communities against the U.S. government, and
fought to establish revolutionary socialism through mass organizing
and community based programs. The party was one of the first
organizations in U.S. history to militantly struggle for ethnic
minority and working class emancipation — a party whose agenda was
the revolutionary establishment of </span><i><span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">real</span></i><span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">
economic, social, and political equality across gender and color
lines'.<a class="sdfootnoteanc" href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#sdfootnote1sym" name="sdfootnote1anc"><sup>1</sup></a></span></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<br />
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">>>The Panthers' ten-point plan, 'What We Want' can be found <b><a href="http://www.blackpanther.org/TenPoint.htm">here</a>.</b></span><br />
<br />
<br />
<br /></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;"><b>The Breakfast Program</b> </span></span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">This
free breakfast for school children program was set up in Berkeley
1968 by Bobby Seale and Huey P. Newton. It was the first significant
communty program organised by the Panthers, and perhaps the most
significant.</span></span></span></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<br /></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">After a few
months spreading to churches, community centres and auditoriums in
Berkeley, San Francisco and Oakland, it was announced that the
program would be set up across the US.</span></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<br /></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.49in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<a href="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/-8LXDI_WsNys/UP72J_0NgqI/AAAAAAAAABo/GKhX1tMyeIc/s1600/2+breakfast.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="320" src="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/-8LXDI_WsNys/UP72J_0NgqI/AAAAAAAAABo/GKhX1tMyeIc/s320/2+breakfast.jpg" width="246" /></a>„<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><i><span style="font-weight: normal;">The
Breakfast Program has already been initiated in several chapters, and
our love for the masses makes us realize that it must continue
permanently and be a national program. But we need your help and that
means money, food, and time. We want to turn the programs over to the
community, but without your efforts and support we cannot.“</span></i></span></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.49in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">- The Black
Panther, 1969<a class="sdfootnoteanc" href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#sdfootnote2sym" name="sdfootnote2anc"><sup>2</sup></a></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><b>Serving
Broadly</b></span></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">By the end of
1969 free breakfast was served in 19 cities, under the sponsorship of
the national headquarters and twenty-three local affiliates. More
than 20.000 children received full free breakfast (bread, bacon,
eggs, grits) before going to their grade or junior high school.<sup><a class="sdfootnoteanc" href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#sdfootnote3sym" name="sdfootnote3anc"><sup>3</sup></a></sup>
While programs operated in predominantly black neigbourhoods, the
program also fed children of other groups, even operating in a partly
middle-class neigbourhood in Seattle. It was also used to raise
public consciousness about hunger and poverty in America, and the
importance of nutrition for learning. </span>
</div>
<div align="LEFT" style="font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.49in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<i>“<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">[there
are] millions of people who are living below subsistence; welfare
mothers, poor white people, Mexican-Americans, Chicano peoples,
Latinos, and black people.“</span></i></div>
<i>
</i>
<br />
<div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.49in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
-<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"> Bobby Seale<a class="sdfootnoteanc" href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#sdfootnote4sym" name="sdfootnote4anc"><sup>4</sup></a></span></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.49in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<br />
<a name='more'></a><br /></div>
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</div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><b>Sites</b></span></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">The
breakfasts often started off in churches, and spread into community
centres and schools. The aim was to eventually hand over the programs
to the communities.</span></span></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.49in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<i><span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">"Black preachers
have got to stop preaching about a kingdom in the hereafter which is
a “land flowing with milk and honey” ... We must deal with
concrete conditions and survival in this life! The Black Panther
Party .. has merely put into operation the survival program that the
Church should have been doing anyway. The efforts of the BPP are
consistent with what God wants." </span></i>
</div>
<div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.49in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">- Father Earl
Neil, Episcopal Church prist of Oakland.<a class="sdfootnoteanc" href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#sdfootnote5sym" name="sdfootnote5anc"><sup>5</sup></a></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<br />
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><b>Donations and
funding</b></span></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">In their early
Marxist period, the BPP went from taking a purist stance against
taking donations from black capitalists to a more pragmatic approach.
</span>
</div>
<div align="LEFT" style="font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<br /></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Donations
for the program, which cut into small profit margins, was achieved
through the goodwill of businesses, but also some measure of pressure
or even coercion: leafletting and threats of boycott.</span></span></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.49in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<br /></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.49in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<i>„<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">This
program is run through donations of concerned people and the
avaricious businessmen that pinch selfishly a little to the program.
We say that this is not enough, especially from those that thrive off
the Black Community like leeches. All of the avaricious businessmen
have their factories etc. centered in our communities and even most
of the people that work in these sweat shops are members of the
oppressed masses.“</span></span></span></i></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.49in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">The Black
Panther, 1969<a class="sdfootnoteanc" href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#sdfootnote6sym" name="sdfootnote6anc"><sup>6</sup></a></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<br />
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><b>Recruitment</b></span></div>
<div style="font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">BPP
tried to recruit welfare mothers, grandmothers, and guardians in the
black community, to prepare and serve breakfasts. It was organized
and run primarily by the members of the BPP. </span>
</div>
<div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<br /></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">One woman who
volunteered at St. Augustine Episcopal Church breakfast program
remembered,</span></div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<i>„<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">I
didn't know the people in the room. I got off on just washing
dishes... because to me it was so invigorating just to be part of it.
It was so uplifting“<a class="sdfootnoteanc" href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#sdfootnote7sym" name="sdfootnote7anc"><sup>7</sup></a></span></span></span></i></div>
</div>
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<br />
<br /></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><b>Education</b></span></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">The
Breakfast Program was also used to raise public consciousness about
hunger and poverty in America, and the importance of nutrition for
learning. The program was also used to teach children the
philosophies and practices black liberation and class struggle. On
example was the use of the </span></span><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">'</span></span><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Black
Child's Pledge':</span></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.49in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><i>I pledge
allegiance to my Black People.</i></span></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.49in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><i>I pledge to
develop my mind and body to the greatest extent possible.</i></span></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.49in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><i>I will learn
all that I can in order to give my best to my People in their
struggle for liberation.</i></span></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.49in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><i>I will keep
myself physically fit, building a strong body free from drugs and
other substances which weaken me and make me less capable of
protecting myself, my family and my Black brothers and sisters.</i></span></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.49in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><i>I will
unselfishly share my knowledge and understanding with them in order
to bring about change more quickly.</i></span></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.49in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><i>I will
discipline myself to direct my energies thoughtfully and
constructively rather than wasting them in idle hatred.</i></span></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.49in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">- Shirley
Williams<a class="sdfootnoteanc" href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#sdfootnote8sym" name="sdfootnote8anc"><sup>8</sup></a></span></div>
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<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
</div>
<br />
<br /></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><b>Community
embeddedness</b></span></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.49in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
„<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">The
original vision of the Party was to develop a lifeline to the people
by serving their needs and defending them against the oppressors, who
come to the community in many forms, from armed police to capitalist
exploiters. We knew that this strategy would raise the consciousness
of the people and also give us their support. Then if we were driven
underground ... the people would support us and defend us.“</span></span></span></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.49in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">Huey P. Newton</span></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.49in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<br /></div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><b>From Serve
the People Programs to Survival Programs</b></span></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">The BPP
eventually founded more than 60 different Serve The People Programs
(called Survival Programs from 1971). Many of these programs were
outgrowths of the party's exposure to pressing needs of community
residents when feeding poor children.</span></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<br /></div>
<ul>
<li><div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">Sustenance</span></div>
<ul>
<li><div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">People's Free
Clothing Program</span></div>
</li>
<li><div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">Free Shoes
Program</span></div>
</li>
<li><div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">Clothes
donations for school kids and teenagers.</span></div>
</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">Health </span>
</div>
<ul>
<li><div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">Free medical
clinics</span></div>
</li>
<li><div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">Community
Health Classes</span></div>
</li>
<li><div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">Drug/Alcohol
Abuse Awareness Program</span></div>
</li>
<li><div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">The People's
Sickle Anemia Reasarch Foundation<a class="sdfootnoteanc" href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#sdfootnote9sym" name="sdfootnote9anc"><sup>9</sup></a></span></div>
</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
<ul>
<li><div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">Criminal
Justice</span></div>
<ul>
<li><div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">Free Bussing
to Prisons program</span></div>
</li>
<li><div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">Free Commisary
for Prisoners</span></div>
</li>
<li><div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">Legal Aid
education</span></div>
</li>
<li><div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">Free legal
assistance.</span></div>
</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">Education</span></div>
<ul>
<li><div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">Liberation
schools</span></div>
</li>
<li><div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">Black Student
Alliance</span></div>
</li>
<li><div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">Child
Development Center<a class="sdfootnoteanc" href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#sdfootnote10sym" name="sdfootnote10anc"><sup>10</sup></a></span></div>
</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
</div>
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<br /></div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><b>Guerrilla
vanguard and community service</b></span></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><i>„They're not reform programs; they're actually revolutionary
community programs. A revolutionary program is one set forth by
revolutionaries, by those who want to change the existing system to a
better system. A reform program is set up by the existing
exploitative sustem as an appeasing handout to fool the people and
keep them quiet“ </i></span></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><i>- </i></span><span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">Bobby Seal</span></span></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><i><span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"> </span> </i></span></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
„<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><i><span style="font-weight: normal;">The
programs ... are meant to meet the needs of the community until we
all can move to change social conditions that make it impossible for
the people to afford the things they need and desire.“</span></i></span></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><i><span style="font-weight: normal;">- </span></i><span style="font-weight: normal;">BPP official</span><i><span style="font-weight: normal;"> </span></i></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Arguably
the strenght of the BPP was to combine militant, and often armed,
political work with community service. In effect the BPP formed a
state within the state providing welfare and security where the US
government failed or refused to engage. But the strenght of the BPP
was also its latent weakness under pressure, when priorities had to
be made, and when different models of organzing started to clash. </span></span>
</div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
„<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><i><span style="font-weight: normal;">The
members of the BPP are oxens to be ridden by the people' getting up
at 6AM to prepare breakfast.“</span></i></span></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">Huey Newton</span></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<br /></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
„<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><i><span style="font-weight: normal;">The
Black Panther Movement was never a mass activity. We were a vanguard
organisation with rigid entry standards, rules and regulations“.</span></i></span></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">Edridge Cleaver.</span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">>>You can find the BPP's internal rules and ethical guidelines<b> <a href="http://www.marxists.org/history/usa/workers/black-panthers/unknown-date/party-rules.htm">here</a>. </b></span></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<br /></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<br /></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><span style="font-style: normal;"><b>FBI
and the repression: Breakfa</b></span><span style="font-style: normal;"><b>st
as a </b></span><b>threat to national security</b></span></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">On Sept. 8,
1969, armed police raided the Watts breakfast program.This raid
accorded with an early 1969 FBI directive to <i>"eradicate [the
BPP's] serve the people programs."</i></span></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<br /></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">On May 15, 1969,
in an internal memo, FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover wrote:</span></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><i>"The
Breakfast for Children Program B represents the best and most
influential activity going for the BPP and, as such, is potentially
the greatest threat to efforts by authorities B to neutralize the BPP
and destroy what it stands for."</i></span></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<br /></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">FBIs COINTELPRO
seriously disrupted the BPPs efforts in general, and the breakfast
program in particular, and aggravated the contradictions within the party. Several party members
were killed by the police, amongst them the leader of the Chicago chapter, Fred
Hampton.<a class="sdfootnoteanc" href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#sdfootnote11sym" name="sdfootnote11anc"><sup>11</sup></a></span></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<br />
<br /></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><b>Huey P. Newton's
assessment, 1980</b></span></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
„<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><i><span style="font-weight: normal;">While
the FBI rationalized that it took these neutralizing steps against
the BPP in order to curb its violent propensities, the truth is that
what the bureau felt most threatening were survival programs
providing free breakfasts to school children and other constructive
services. No single feature of the Panthers made them so feared or
disliked by the government; many organizations possessed either a
revolutionary ideology, community service, or a willingness to engage
in legal struggle to achieve their goals. It was the combination of
all of these features, pitched to a group that had been historically
and systematically excluded from full participation in democratic
capitalist America, that made the Party different, and dangerously
so.“<a class="sdfootnoteanc" href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#sdfootnote12sym" name="sdfootnote12anc"><sup>12</sup></a></span></i></span></div>
<div align="LEFT" style="font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">Huey P. Newton</span><br />
<br />
<br />
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><b>You can find the slideshow that goes with this presentation <a href="http://archive.org/details/PanthersBreakfastPresentation-Radicalcollectivecare-session1">here</a></b></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
<br />
<u><b>Notes to the presentation:</b></u></div>
<div id="sdfootnote1">
<div class="sdfootnote">
<span style="color: black;"><a class="sdfootnotesym" href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#sdfootnote1anc" name="sdfootnote1sym">1<span style="color: black;"> </span></a><a href="http://www.marxists.org/history/usa/workers/black-panthers/">http://www.marxists.org/history/usa/workers/black-panthers/</a></span>
</div>
</div>
<div id="sdfootnote2">
<div class="sdfootnote">
<span style="color: black;"><a class="sdfootnotesym" href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#sdfootnote2anc" name="sdfootnote2sym">2 </a>The
BPP's newspaper, <i>the Black Panther Community News Service,
</i><span style="font-style: normal;">s</span>tarted in 1967, and was
a weekly from 1968 to 1978. Weekly circulation in 1970 surpassed
125.000 copies.
<a href="http://www.marxists.org/history/usa/workers/black-panthers/1969/03/26.htm">http://www.marxists.org/history/usa/workers/black-panthers/1969/03/26.htm</a></span></div>
</div>
<div id="sdfootnote3">
<span style="color: black;"><a class="sdfootnotesym" href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#sdfootnote3anc" name="sdfootnote3sym">3</a>
Rod Bush, <i><span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><a href="http://books.google.at/books?id=hhHCuKDo5xIC&pg=PA198&lpg=PA198&dq=Black+panthers+%22revolutionary+intercommunalism%22&source=bl&ots=a_bVFj6IaH&sig=0cgJVKQWpW4FmUTKdMNG4HnvW5k&hl=en&sa=X&ei=IkLoUNPwLOiG4gTauYCQCw&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q=Black%20panthers%20%22revolutionary%20intercommunalism%22&f=false">We Are Not What <span style="color: black;">W</span>e Seem</a>, </span></i>p.201. </span></div>
<div id="sdfootnote4">
<span style="color: black;"><a class="sdfootnotesym" href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#sdfootnote4anc" name="sdfootnote4sym">4</a> <span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">JoNina </span>Abron, '<a href="http://books.google.at/books?id=hxpCxS661Q8C&pg=PA182&lpg=PA182&dq=abron+panthers+breakfast&source=bl&ots=_nZM2NQxQI&sig=VrR44JxNYlVvQ5BXvT4eCKdDJQE&hl=en&sa=X&ei=86b2ULj9COWn4ASzvoDwCg&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q=abron%20panthers%20breakfast&f=false">"Serving the People" - The Survival Programs of the Black Panthers</a>', p.183</span></div>
<div id="sdfootnote5">
<div class="sdfootnote">
<span style="color: black;"><a class="sdfootnotesym" href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#sdfootnote5anc" name="sdfootnote5sym">5</a> Quoted
in Mumia Abu-Jamal, <i><a href="http://books.google.at/books?id=caWPDd6PuaMC&pg=PA69&lpg=PA69&dq=preachers+have+got+to+stop+preaching+about+a+kingdom+in+the+hereafter+which+is+a+%E2%80%9Cland+flowing+with+milk+and+honey%E2%80%9D+...+We+must+deal+with+concrete+conditions+and+survival+in+this+life!+The+Black+Panther+Party+..+has+merely+put+into+operation+the+survival+program+that+the+Church+s&source=bl&ots=FnGVTVoigj&sig=vkX3eApD459izljmj7LPRv3_-WI&hl=en&sa=X&ei=h5_2UJa9B9D3sgbH9YGYAQ&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q=preachers%20have%20got%20to%20stop%20preaching%20about%20a%20kingdom%20in%20the%20hereafter%20which%20is%20a%20%E2%80%9Cland%20flowing%20with%20milk%20and%20honey%E2%80%9D%20...%20We%20must%20deal%20with%20concrete%20conditions%20and%20survival%20in%20this%20life!%20The%20Black%20Panther%20Party%20..%20has%20merely%20put%20into%20operation%20the%20survival%20program%20that%20the%20Church%20s&f=false">We Want Freedom - a life in the Black Panther Party,</a> </i><span style="font-style: normal;">p.69</span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="sdfootnote6">
<div class="sdfootnote">
<span style="color: black;"><a class="sdfootnotesym" href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#sdfootnote6anc" name="sdfootnote6sym">6</a><a href="http://www.marxists.org/history/usa/workers/black-panthers/1969/03/26.htm">http://www.marxists.org/history/usa/workers/black-panthers/1969/03/26.htm</a></span></div>
</div>
<div id="sdfootnote7">
<span style="color: black;"><a class="sdfootnotesym" href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#sdfootnote7anc" name="sdfootnote7sym">7</a>
Abron, p.183</span></div>
<div id="sdfootnote8">
<div class="sdfootnote">
<span style="color: black;"><a class="sdfootnotesym" href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#sdfootnote8anc" name="sdfootnote8sym">8</a> Excerpt
taken from
<a href="http://www.marxists.org/history/usa/workers/black-panthers/">http://www.marxists.org/history/usa/workers/black-panthers/</a></span></div>
</div>
<div id="sdfootnote9">
<div class="sdfootnote">
<span style="color: black;"><a class="sdfootnotesym" href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#sdfootnote9anc" name="sdfootnote9sym">9 </a>A
rare decease that mostly affects people of African descent. In a BPP
attacked the US government and corporate sector for refusing to
research it, and itself revolutionised the treatment of the decease.
Abron, p.184</span></div>
</div>
<div id="sdfootnote10">
<div class="sdfootnote">
<span style="color: black;"><a class="sdfootnotesym" href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#sdfootnote10anc" name="sdfootnote10sym">10 </a>A
full list is found here:
<a href="http://www.stanford.edu/group/blackpanthers/programs.shtml" target="_blank">http://www.stanford.edu/group/blackpanthers/programs.shtml</a></span></div>
</div>
<div id="sdfootnote11">
<div class="sdfootnote">
<span style="color: black;"><a class="sdfootnotesym" href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#sdfootnote11anc" name="sdfootnote11sym">11</a> The
wikipedia article on Hampton is recommendable:
<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fred_Hampton"> http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fred_Hampton</a></span></div>
</div>
<div id="sdfootnote12">
<div class="sdfootnote">
<span style="color: black;"><a class="sdfootnotesym" href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=8132093035373861176#sdfootnote12anc" name="sdfootnote12sym">12</a><i><a href="http://www.archive.org/stream/WarAgainstThePanthersAStudyOfRepressionInAmerica/WATP_djvu.txt"> War Against the Panthers – a Study of Repression in America</a>, </i>Huey
P. Newton's doctoral dissertation.</span><br />
<br />
<span style="color: black;"> </span>
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<u><i><b>Discussion notes - Questions
asked and answered in common by the participants </b></i></u>
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<i>How soon after the beginning of the
party were these programs launched. How strong was the party? The
question of how much people power you need to start this kind of
program.</i></div>
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<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-style: normal;">The
programs started about two years after the party was founded. T</span>he
BPP was formed in a period of intense politizisation, after the
murder of Malcolm X, in the slipstream or at the height of the civil
rights movement. So they grew very quickly under these special
circumstances. </div>
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<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<i>How do the programs live on today?
Which ones did the state take on?</i></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
It's hard to get an overview of that. A
lot of breakfast programs are today run by the state, sometimes
churches, or NGOs. Many other programs have been also been
institutionalised and mainstreamed. The 60 programs mentioned
happened in cross the US in many different states and cities; to
understand the contitutions of the programs one has to look at those
specific places.</div>
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<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<i>This approach to build a state
within the state, and this name 'party' – what to do with that? Do
we need to build a better state within the state? Or can we do
otherwise? Can we defend the idea of a highly disciplined party? </i>
</div>
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<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
Given the context of police brutality,
crime ridden communities, and the need for self-defence, and to
project self-confidence and self-organised order. Hard to be
grassroots, libertarian or hippie in that context? To appreciate the
BPP in their context it's important to impose on them our standards
of our context and experience; political organisation is not about
<i>abstract</i> principles of organisation or ethics.</div>
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<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<i>What's the relation of the BPP to
Mao's China, and the cultural revolution?</i>
</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
They were in some sense 'Statist', but
with a big 'but'; cultural revolutionist statist, as this was
understood from the US in a very mediated and somewhat romanticised
way, maybe.</div>
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<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<i>Could people start breakfast
programs without asking the party leadership?</i></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
It's clear that people had to go through the party structure to do stuff, also to draw on resources, use the name, etc. BPP was hierarchical, but not in the
petrified way. It was very mobile, changing all the time. People with
talent and initiative moved up the hierarchy quickly. </div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
Theres's something quite statist in
some of the ideas: healthy strong male bodies...
</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
This reminded me of my grandfather
speaking of the socialist party in Vienna in the 30s. Not to drink
and smoke, to do a lot of work for the party in the community. This
makes a lot of sense in a context where drugs and alcohol are real
problems in the families, and violence. And where drugs were actively
used to destroy the communities. So maybe it wasn't strict in a
purely negative way.
</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
I experienced the same when I began
being active, people said not to be drunk on demos, to stay clear in
the head, not make yourself stupid.
</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
This is super interesting in the
context of 1968, where the standard body was intoxicated.</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
It's very disciplinary in a strange
sense, also when it comes to gender norms... but what they did is
really interesting, and was very important. Also this building of
state structures is why they became so dangerous to the FBI, so this
is interesting.
</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
But there is something problematic
about projecting these strong male bodies... very normative...</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
It's interesting how many women were
part of the BPP, how they marched in line with the men, themselves
become 'masculine', strong, disciplined, militant. There was a lot of
female empowerment, through the adoption of typical masculine
features, it seems.</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
In a way that's slightly incongruent to
our sensibilities, we have to note that the leadership of the BPP was
a classical 'enlightend leadership'. <span style="font-style: normal;">Precisely
because it was hierarchical they could force through gender equality
</span><i>against </i><span style="font-style: normal;">the norms of
many of their members. They said: the fight against sexism and
patriachy is a part of the class struggle. They also took a very
progressive position on homosexuality, something which was generally
frowned upon in black communities. It's a little weird to see this
top-down enforcement of progressive norms. Gender mainstreaming :)</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-style: normal;">Well,
we see this in almost every guerrila organisation. These are not
political collectives, but armed parties, with military training,
attacking police stations with machine gunds, etc. On youtube there's
a very interesting long interview-film about gender in black power,
not just in the BPP. </span>
</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-style: normal;">They
also questioned other guerrila groups, in Columbia, and the PPK in
Kurdistan. Looking at the organisations they are as hiearchical and
authoritarian as the normal society around them, and despite this
(without making the problems with these organisations smaller) we
find a much higher politicisation of gender roles than in ther
surrounding societies. Often, however the gendered division of labour
remains in the guerilla group; they tend to change later than other
gendered power relations....</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-style: normal;">Angela
Davies and Cathleen Cleaver were both very significant in the BPP.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-style: normal;">The
importance of doing community work or building a common in a way
that's antagonistic in itself. Not as a matter of ideology, but as a
matter of where or how you do it. E.g. occuping a place you're not
supposed to be. To make clear social conflicts, without just staging
them in slogans, and to test the system, what room is there to move,
to learn how does the police, government react, to be forced to learn
the law... etc.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<span style="color: black;"> </span>
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brhhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/04527510831248223543noreply@blogger.com8